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LIBRARY OF CONGRESS. 



Chap. Copyright No. 

Shelf.„„„^^^ S 8 

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 




BERTRAND DU GUESCLIN 



Frontispiece 



Bertrand du Guesclin 

CONSTABLE OF FRANCE 
HIS LIFE AND TIMES 



BY 
ENOCH VINE STODDARD, A.M., M.D. 



ILLUSTRATED 






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G. P. PUTNAM'S SONS 

NEW YORK LONDON 

27 WEST TWENTY-THIRD STREET 24 BEDFORD STREET, STRAND 

1897 



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Copyright, 1897 

BY 

G. P. PUTNAM'S SONS 
Entered at Stationers' Hall, London 



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To 

MY FRIENDS AND COLLEAGUES 

EDWARD HUBBARD LITCHFIELD 
AND 

WILLIAM RHINELANDER STEWART 

I DEDICATE THIS SKETCH 




PREFACE. 

THIS narrative was originally sketched by the 
writer as one of a series of efforts to weave 
into association events and characters of history, in 
such manner as to prove interesting as well as in- 
structive. It has been arranged for publication 
with the hope that it may prove acceptable to a 
larger circle than that for which it was originally 
written. 

The era which it covers is a most attractive one. 
The chivalry of the eleventh, twelfth, and thirteenth 
centuries had reached its height, and its period of 
decadence had begun. The gentler influences which 
it had exerted over a rude and ignorant society, in 
its brilliant pageants, its romance, the songs of its 
troubadours, and its devotion to woman, were declin- 
ing, and preparing to make way for the oncoming 
of an order in which the rights of the weak were to 
be better protected. The cross-bow, the battle-axe, 
and the coat of mail were to disappear before the 
power of gunpowder, and military force was to be 
employed to sustain, and not to destroy, the rights 
of the citizen. 

The name of Bertrand du Guesclin is held in rev- 
erence by the Frenchman of to-day as that of one 



vi Preface. 

by whose efforts the unity of ancient France was 
secured. The brilHancy of his Hfe, filled as it was 
with events of thrilling interest, does not suffice to 
explain the affection and reverence which attach 
themselves to his name. The recognition of the 
inestimable services which he rendered to his coun- 
try by his unselfish and unswerving patriotism, and 
the admiration which his personal character and 
remarkable exploits call forth, serve to surround 
him with an atmosphere almost legendary. 

A great and loyal captain who, by the success of 
his arms, lifts his native land from the depths of 
distress and despondency, who frees her from her 
oppressors and replaces her firmly in her place 
among the great nations of the earth, is more than 
a hero, he is a saviour. It is in this light that the 
French patriot views Du Guesclin. He was to his 
country in the fourteenth, what Joan of Arc was in 
the following century. 

To appreciate his full relation to the events of his 
time, we must recognise the decadence of French 
military glory, which had been so uninterruptedly 
brilliant during the preceding three centuries, as 
well as the progress which England had been mak- 
ing in military art. This first made itself felt in the 
defeat at Crecy, and later in the prostrating disaster 
at Poitiers. 

Sprung from a humble Breton ancestry, with few 
advantages of position or of early education, Du 
Guesclin won his way from an obscure position to 
that of the first citizen of France, through the force 
of his own courage, integrity, prowess, and rare 
military genius. 



Preface. vil 

Beginning his career in the struggle between John 
de Montfort and Charles de Blois for the succession 
to the Duchy of Brittany, he later led the Free 
Companies out of France, banished Peter the Cruel 
from the throne of Castile, and placed Henry of 
Trastamara upon it, and finally, as the Constable 
of France, drove the English almost entirely from 
their extensive possessions in that country. 

The facts given in this sketch have been gathered 
from the chronicles of contemporaneous historians, 
as well as from those of subsequent periods, and 
such contributions as visits of the author to many 
of the sections in which the events occurred have 
afforded. The narrative of the Troubadour Cuvelhier 
and the Chronicles of Froissart have afforded much 
of minute detail. Morice, Rymer, Luce, and others 
have contributed verifications. 

The repetition, however, of what others have well 
said is not the object of this sketch. It is written 
with the hope of placing the Breton hero in his true 
character and position, freed, on the one hand, from 
the influences of an inadequate estimate of the 
actual social and political conditions of his time, 
and, on the other, from the false conceptions of 
character, which naturally arise from the distance in 
time between the living present and remote past, as 
well as from the distortion produced by the roseate 
mists of a romantic atmosphere which envelop it. 

E. V. S. 



CONTENTS. 



CHAPTER I. 
YOUTH AND EARLY EDUCATION. 

PAGE 

Bertrand du Guesclin — His birth and early boyhood — Early 
education — Love for athletic sports — His youth — Influences 
impressing his later life — The fete at Rennes — His first mili- 
tary achievement. I 

CHAPTER II. 

SOCIAL CONDITIONS OF THE FOURTEENTH CENTURY. 

Brittany in the fourteenth century — Conditions of society — 
Houses and villages — Furniture, food and customs — 
Faults of society — Chivalry represented its best character- 
istics — Origin and character of chivalry — The Chevalier — 
The orders of Chivalry — What it represented — What it ac- 
complished — Military organization in the fourteenth cen- 
tury — The great battles of the century — The armour of the 
period — Military tactics — Strategy almost unknown — The 
influence of gunpowder. ii 

CHAPTER HI. 

THE STRUGGLE FOR SUCCESSION. 

The Duchy of Brittany ; political conditions — Struggle for the 
Succession— John de Montfort a prisoner — The Countess 



X Contents. 



takes the field — Edward III. aids the cause — Robert 
d'Artois — Execution of the Breton Nobles — Du Guesclin 
an adherent of Charles de Blois — Adventures near Forgeray 
— The Battle of Crecy — Truce between France and Eng- 
land — Death of Philippe de Valois — Succession of John 
II. — Death of Jeanne du Malmains — War of the Par- 
tisans — Du Guesclin a partisan — "Battle of the Thirty" — 
Efforts for peace — The Black Prince invades France — Le 
Marechal d'Audrehem — Du Guesclin at Montmuran — He 
captures the Castle of Forgeray. 31 

CHAPTER IV. 

ENGLISH INVASION OF FRANCE. 

The battle of Poitiers — Release of Charles de Blois — The siege 
of Rennes — Du Guesclin and Sir Thomas Canterbury — 
Combat with Sir William Brambourg — The affair with 
Troussel. 5g 

CHAPTER V. 

THE DAUPHIN AND THE STATES-GENERAL. 

The Dauphin and the States-General — Origin and power of the 
States-General — The treaty of Bordeaux — Conspiracy of 
Etienne Marcel — Intrigues of Charles the Bad — "The 
Jacquerie" — The siege of Melun — Bravery of Du Guesclin. 87 

CHAPTER VI. 

CAMPAIGN IN BRITTANY THE FREE COMPANIES. 

Edward III. invades France — Operations in Brittany — Du 
Guesclin's success — He is made a prisoner — His release — 
The treaty of Bretigny — Ransom of John II. — Du Guesclin 
visits England — His campaign against the Free Companies 
— The Dauphin at the head of affairs — His confidence in Du 
Guesclin — The battle of Brignais — Victory of the Free 
Companies — Their rise and development — Activity of Du 
Guesclin against them. lOI 



Contents. xi 

CHAPTER VII. 
CAMPAIGN IN NORMANDY, AND JOHN II. 

PAGE 

His campaign against Charles the Bad — Siege of Becquerel — 
Treaty of Poitiers — Marriage of Du Guesclin with Tiphaine 
Raguenel — Affair with Sir William Felton — Campaign 
against the Anglo-Navarrese — Capture of Mantes and 
Meulan — Capture of Rolleboise — Death of John II. — His 
character. ii8 

CHAPTER VIII. 

COCKEREL AND AURAY. 

The Captal de Buch joins Charles the Bad — The battle of Coch- 
erel — Du Guesclin defeats the English and Navarrese — Re- 
sults of the victory — The Dauphin crowned as Charles V. — 
Du Guesclin's success in Normandy — He aids Charles de 
Blois — Death of his father — The battle of Auray — Defeat 
and death of Charles de Blois — Du Guesclin a prisoner — 
Treaty of Guerande. 134 

CHAPTER IX. 

THE CAMPAIGN IN SPAIN NAVARRETE. 

Treaty between Charles V. and Charles the Bad — Release of 
the Captal de Buch — Ransom of Du Guesclin — Charles V. 
and the Free Companies — Sir Hugh Calverly — Du Guesclin 
leads the Free Companies from France — Visits Urban V. — 
Affairs in Spain — Peter the Cruel and Plenry of Trastamara 
— Du Guesclin crosses the Pyrenees — His continuous suc- 
cesses — The fall of Burgos — Henry crowned King of Castile 
— Du Guesclin made Count of Trastamara — Peter retreats 
into Gallicia — Expedition of the Black Prince — Du Guesclin 
visits France — His return — The battle of Navarrete — Defeat 
q£ Henry — Du Guesclin a prisoner — Henry visits France, 152 



xii Contents, 

CHAPTER X. 

SUCCESSES IN SPAIN. 

PAGE 

The Black Prince and Peter disagree — The former leaves Spain — 
Henry raises a new army — Du Guesclin released — His enor- 
mous ransom — Raises an army for Spain — The Marechal 
d'Audrehem joins him — Siege of Toledo — Du Guesclin he- 
sieges Peter in the Castle of Monteil — Death of Peter — His 
character — Failing health of the Black Prince — His diffi- 
culty with the Gascon Barons — Action of Charles V. — War 
with England — Death of Sir John Chandos — His character 
— Du Guesclin recalled from Spain — He is created Duke of 
Molina — His campaign with the Due de Berri — Capture of 
Limoges — lie is called to Paris — Is made Constable of 
France — His campaign in Normandy — Battle of Pontvalain 
— Its brilliant success. 177 

CHAPTER XI. 

THE CONSTABLE LOWERS ENGLISH PRESTIGE. 

Campaign in Auvergne and Poitou — English movements, land 
and naval — Death of Tiphaine Raguenel — Her character — 
Evan of Wales — Operations near Rochelle — Capture of 
Moncontour: of St. Severe — Surrender of Poitiers — Defeat 
and capture of the Captal de Buch — Surrender of Rochelle — 
Capture of Benon and Thouars — Edward III. fails to relieve 
Thouars — Du Guesclin returns to Poitou — Affairs in Brittany 
— His successful campaign in Brittany. 208 

CHAPTER XII. 

HE DRIVES THE ENGLISH FROM BRITTANY. 

Du Guesclin invades Brittany — Siege of Chizey — Success of the 
campaign — Du Guesclin returns to Poitiers — Edward III. 
again invades Brittany — Du Guesclin sent to oppose him — 
Success of his campaign — Capture of Duval — Siege of Hen- 
nebon — Surrender of Nantes — Edward III. invades France 
— Complete failure of the expedition — Efforts at peace by 
Gregory XI. — The English remnant reaches Bordeaux. 234 



Contents. xiii 

CHAPTER XIII. 
THE CONSTABLE REDEEMS AQUITAINE AND POITOU. 

PAGE 

Marriage of Du Guesclin with Jeanne de Laval — His campaign 
in Aquitaine and Poitou — Surrender of Moissac — Siege and 
surrender of Auberoche, of La Reole and Becherel — Siege 
of Quimperle — Treaty of Bruges — Termination of the 
campaign. 257 

CHAPTER XIV. 

CONTINUED SUCCESS AGAINST THE ENGLISH. 

Death of the Black Prince — His character — Plans of Charles V. 
— Death of Edward III. — His character — The coronation 
of Richard II. — Charles V. invades England — Du Guesclin's 
operations in Normandy — The battle of Aymet — Defeat of 
the English — Siege of Bergerac ; of Darras ; of Mortaigne — 
Further operations against Charles the Bad — Death of Evan 
of Wales — The English invade Brittany — They besiege St. 
Malo — Failure of the expedition — Du Guesclin besieges 
Cherbourg — Operations against Charles the Bad. 266 

CHAPTER XV. 

FRANCE FREED FROM ENGLISH OCCUPATION. 

Efforts of Charles V. to possess Brittany — A parliament of the 
Peers summoned — The Bretons maintain their rights — Du 
Guesclin's loyalty questioned — His indignation — He resigns 
the sword of Constable — Regret of Charles V. — Du Guesclin 
leads a force into Languedoc — He besieges Chateauneuf de 
Randon — His death — His character. 282 



ILLUSTRATIONS. 



PAGE 

Bertrand du Guesclin . . . Frontispiece 

Feudal France. 1320-1381 , . Facing page i 

Showing the Location of the Principal Events of 
the period. 



Philippe VI. (De Valois) .... 

Jean II. (Le Bon) 

Jeanne de Boulogne (Wife of Jean II.) 

Battle of Poitiers. Sept. 19, 1356 . 

Battle of Cockerel. May 16, 1364 

Charles V. (Le Sage) .... 

Memorial Tomb of Du Guesclin in the 
Church of St. Laurent at Le Puy . 

From a Drawing by L. Sagot. 



34 
46 
48 
64 
136 
142 

294 




FEUDAL FRANCE. 1320-1381 

SHOWING THE LOCATION OF THE PRINCIPAL EVENTS OF THE PERIOD 



BERTRAND DU GUESCLIN. 



CHAPTER I. 

YOUTH AND EARLY EDUCATION. 
I320-I341. 

Bertrand du Guesclin — His birth and early boyhood — Early educa- 
tion — Love for athletic sports — His youth — Influences impressing 
his later life — The fete at Rennes — His first military achieve- 
ment. 

ACCORDING to Cuvelhier,* a Trouv^re of the 
fourteenth century, Bertrand du GuescHn was 
born in 1320, in the Castle of Motte-de-Broons, in 
the httle village of Broons, situated south-west of 
Dinan, and not far from the town of Rennes in Brit- 
tany. His father was Robert du Guesclin, and his 
mother Jeanne du Malmains of Sens, near Foug^res. 
He was one of a large family consisting of four 
brothers and six sisters, he being the oldest of the 
sons ; only one of his brothers, Olivier, lived to adult 
age and survived him. 

* Chronique de Bertrqiid du Guesclin, par Cuvelhier, edited and 
published, in 1839, ^^ Paris by E. Charriere. 



2 Bertrand du Guesclin. [1320- 

His early years seem to have been spent unhap- 
pily. He was plain and unattractive in his features 
and personal appearance, and does not appear to 
have won the love and sympathy of his parents, who 
failed to recognise his peculiar disposition. Suffer- 
ing from neglect and cold treatment on their part, 
as well as on that of the servants of the household, 
he was doubly sensitive regarding their kind treat- 
ment of his brothers and sisters, which was in marked 
contrast with that accorded to him. This awakened, 
at an early age, the resistant forces of a stern and 
unconquerable spirit, which the events of future 
years were to further develop in all its power. 

It is related of him, that, at the early age of six 
years, he began to resent the injustice with which 
he was treated. Not being allowed to sit at the 
table with the other members of the family, and to 
share their food, he on one occasion sprang from 
his stool, and, jumping upon the table, demanded 
that he be accorded the same privileges as his 
brothers and sisters. To his mother's threat of a 
whipping, he replied by overturning the table with 
all its furniture and food. At another time, when a 
number of guests were present, among whom was a 
Converse from a neighbouring convent who was 
famed for her learning and knowledge of palmistry, 
Bertrand was not allowed to come to the table, but 
was seated upon the floor. Many unkind references 
were made to him by members of the family. The 
Converse, feeling sorry for him, called him to her 
and spoke to him kindly. He replied sternly, 
threatening to strike her with a stick which he held, 
apparently thinking that she, too, designed making 



1341] Youth and Early Education. 3 

sport of him. She, however, persisted in calling 
him to her, and assured him that she intended kind- 
ness only. She then asked him to show her his 
hand, in order that she might examine it and read 
upon it what fortune and honour lay before him. 
He replied angrily, " I will believe that I shall have 
neither joy nor honour: for my father and mother 
harshly repel me, and I could never tell why. ' ' ^' 

The Converse then turned to his mother and 
rebuked her for her unkindness, saying f, " Dame, 
is not this your son?" "He is," replied the 
mother, "but my lord does not love him; I am 
sorry that he was ever born ; he is rude and ungra- 
cious, and he will never be otherwise. He fights, he 
is fierce, and he troubles the children. If anyone 
says what he does not like, he is angry. He has 
neither sense nor manners, would to God he were 
dead ! ' ' When Bertrand heard this, he rose and 
said, " Dame, you are wrong that you desire my 
death: wish that I may live. When I shall have 
grown older, I shall have a horse which will cost 
you dear, but you shall be well paid for it; great 
honour will come to you by me, and to all my 
friends, whoever they may be." 

The Converse then said to her, " Dame, take my 
opinion ; I assure you that this child, of whom you 
think so unkindly, will be fortunate and achieve 
great honour. He will have no equal, and become 
the most esteemed of the sons of France." 

* Cuvelhier, Part I,, v., 105. 

f " Dame dit la converse, or ne me celez ja ; 
N'est mie votre filz, cilz enfes par de la." 

— Cuvelhier, vv. I13-135. 



4 Bertrand du Guesclin, [1320- 

This prediction had the force of a revelation to 
his parents, and from that time he stood before 
them in a new Hght; but upon Bertrand her words 
made the deepest impression. Unaccustomed to 
kindness and attention, his whole manner changed, 
and after this event his parents regarded him with 
a kindlier feeling. 

His early education was limited. At this period 
few, excepting the ecclesiastical orders, considered 
learning of any importance. Although his father 
was the possessor of landed estates, he had but a 
slight appreciation of the importance of acquiring 
the accessible knowledge of that time. In the rude 
society of Brittany little opportunity was afforded 
for the development of the aesthetic nature. It is 
not strange, therefore, that Bertrand should have 
received but a limited education. Uninfluenced by 
the softening tendencies of the world of art, and with 
mental activities uncontrolled by those agencies 
which could turn them into proper channels, his iron 
will was undisciplined by the conditions most essen- 
tial to teach him the important lesson of self-control. 

His knowledge was gained from men, and not from 
books, which were limited almost entirely to the 
precincts of the cloister; and what he gathered of 
knowledge was almost wholly confined to the inci- 
dents and customs of the times. 

He early manifested a fondness and an unusual 
capacity for athletic sports. 

At the age of nine years he was accustomed to 
gather the children of his father's tenantry and con- 
duct mimic battles and contests. In these he always 
took an active part, and enjoyed leading and en- 



1341] Youth and Early Education. 5 

couraging the fierceness of the struggle, shouting 
" Guesclin! " as his battle-cry. 

He manifested here another of his characteristic 
qualities, that of generosity ; since, after these youth- 
ful tournaments, he would invite his companions to 
the neighbouring tavern, and spend all his pocket 
money in their entertainment.* His mother was 
sorely troubled by the tattered clothing and scratched 
face of her son, and his father attempted to prevent 
the occurrence of these rude sports by forbidding 
his tenants to allow their children to join in them. 
But Bertrand was not to be conquered by prohibi- 
tion. When his companions refused to join in the 
contests which he planned, he attacked them. This 
led to a complaint by the parents of the children, 
and he was placed by his father as a prisoner in a room 
in the castle. Here he was confined for four months. 

This prolonged confinement had little effect in 
taming his active spirit, for, wearying of the enforced 
quiet, he overpowered the maid who brought him 
his meals, and, taking the keys from her, locked her 
in the room. He escaped to the castle of an uncle 
living at Rennes, who received him kindly. 

He had now reached the age of sixteen years. 
His aunt was less lenient toward his faults than was 
his uncle. She was desirous that Bertrand should 
share her religious inclinations. Though he accom- 
panied his relatives to church, he found many oppor- 
tunities, unbeknown to them, to leave the services 
on Sunday, and to join in the rude sports and con- 
tests of the peasantry, for which athletic exercises 
he had an increasing fondness. 

* Cuvelhier, Part I., v. 215 ei seq. 



6 Bertrand du Guesclin. [1320- 

On one Sunday, during the sermon, eluding the 
vigilance of his aunt and leaving the church, he 
sought the spot where the sports were in progress. 
As soon as his companions saw him, they called to 
him that the champion of all the wrestlers desired a 
bout with him. On the promise that they would 
not inform his aunt, he entered the ring, and after 
a struggle succeeded in throwing his antagonist. In 
falling upon him, he cut one of his knees upon a 
flint so severely, that he was obliged to have the 
wound dressed by a surgeon, and to be conveyed on 
a litter to his uncle's home. His aunt forgave him 
this escapade, on condition that he would renounce 
these vulgar contests and confine his efforts to 
jousts and tournaments. He spent a year in the 
family of his uncle, at the end of which time his 
father had forgiven his failings and received him 
again into the circle of his own home. Here, by his 
spontaneous good nature and generous liberality, he 
rapidly gained favour with his father and with all 
with whom he came in contact. 

An incident which had a marked influence upon 
his career occurred in 1337,* when he was in his 
eighteenth year. The marriage of Jeanne la Boi- 
teuse, daughter of the Due de Bretagne, Comtesse 
de Penthievre, with Charles, son of the Comte de 
Blois, led to festivities in many parts of Brittany in 
honour of the event. One of these gatherings 
occurred at Rennes. Among its important features 
was a tournament by a number of the assembled 
chevaliers and squires. At the time of these jousts, 
Bertrand was at Rennes with his uncle. He at- 

* Luce, Vie de Bertrand du Guesclin, p. 25. 



1341] Youth and Early Education. 7 

tended the fete, mounted upon one of the work 
horses belonging to his father. He was greatly 
depressed by being obliged to appear in such poor 
form. In passing along the streets, he heard the 
remarks of bystanders, which were far from compli- 
mentary. " How," said one, " is this the son of a 
chevalier ? he is mounted upon a miller's horse! " 
Another exclaimed, " One would take him to be a 
herdsman, he is better fitted to drive a team than 
to take part in a tournament ! His place is the 
kitchen, he is an eater of soup." '* Pshaw! " said a 
third, " I have heard such things of him, that, if our 
Duke knew them, he would make him Chief Pantler 
of Brittany! " 

On arriving at the lists, which were erected in the 
market-place, he saw the ladies richly dressed, occu- 
pying the seats and exchanging smiles of recognition 
and encouragement with the chevaliers and squires, 
who were clad in shining armour and mounted upon 
spirited war-horses. " Alas! " he exclaimed, " I am 
so ill-favoured that no lady would love me, or per- 
mit me to wear her colours. If I but had a good 
horse ! Were I only armed as a gentleman should 
be, I would attack the best mounted and would 
overthrow them, or I would perish in the attempt ! 
My father has done me a great wrong; he has not 
given me the position which belongs to the son of a 
chevalier. But, if I am destined to outlive him, I 
swear that I will acquire more glory than Roland, 
Arthur, and Gavain, even if I be compelled to spend 
my entire inheritance to achieve it! " 

Meanwhile, the sound of the trumpets announcing 
the commencement of the tournament, the prancing 



8 Bertrand du Gtiesclin. [1320- 

of the steeds, the flashing of the shields, and the 
waving of the ladies' scarfs all served to make him 
more dissatisfied with his miserable equipment. 

The barriers were opened, and the champions 
dashed into the arena. Robert du Guesclin, his 
father, took part in these jousts. But Bertrand's 
attention was wholly absorbed in watching the 
movements of one person ; it was one of his cousins, 
of the same age as himself.* He was clad in a fine 
suit of armour, and mounted upon a powerful war- 
horse. After he had run the number of courses 
fixed by the rules of the tournament, Bertrand went 
to him and begged him to lend him his armour and 
his horse. " Indeed, Cousin Bertrand," he replied, 
" I will do so with pleasure, and will arm you my- 
self." Bertrand was delighted, and, entering the 
lists, was immediately challenged by a chevalier 
whose gage he accepted. At the first onset, his 
lance was so well aimed that, striking the visor of 
his adversary, he sent his helmet flying to a dis- 
tance, and both horse and rider were thrown to the 
ground, the former dead, and the latter in a con- 
dition of unconsciousness. " Behold a valiant 
Squire!" exclaimed the heralds. But they could 
not give his name as he kept his visor down.f 

When the discomfited chevalier regained con- 
sciousness he demanded the name of his conqueror. 
" Ye gods! " he exclaimed, " by whom was I at- 

* Probably Olivier de Manny, who was his companion in arms 
from the commencement to the end of his career. — Buchon, p. 27, 

f During the period in which chivalry was at its height, a squire 
could not presume to joust with a knight, but only with a squire ; 
later, and at the period of this sketch, these rules had been relaxed. 



1341] Youth and Early Education. 9 

tacked ? Never was a lance better aimed. Go and 
demand of this squire his name and family! " His 
attendant soon returned with this reply: " Sire, you 
will learn the name of this squire when he is unhel- 
meted by you or another, and then only will you 
know it. " " Bring me another horse. I will not rest 
until I learn by whom I have been overthrown ; he 
is a gentleman and of noble blood," he replied. 

The skilful and fortunate thrust of the young 
squire, and the mystery which surrounded him, 
provoked the bravest of the champions to combat 
with him ; but they met with no better success than 
the first, for Bertrand put them, one after another, 
hors de combat. It now came the turn of Robert 
du Guesclin, who had, thus far, held the field against 
all comers. On riding to meet him, Bertrand recog- 
nised the arms upon his shield as those of his 
father, and, lowering the point of his lance cour- 
teously, he passed him and returned to his position. 

He was at once challenged by another chevalier, 
who thought his action had been prompted by fear. 
Attacking him, Bertrand, with a well-directed thrust 
of his lance, sent his helmet to a distance of ten 
paces, and again the heralds cried, " Victory for the 
adventurous new-comer! " 

Bertrand ran fifteen courses successfully when, in 
the sixteenth, he was unhelmeted by a Norman 
chevalier of great skill, and was recognised by his 
friends. The prize of valour was awarded to him, 
and he returned from the festival in triumph. The 
delight of his father was great, and he immediately 
promised him all he might ask of horses and of 
money. 



lO Bertrand du Guesclin. [i 320-41 

His mother, also, joined in the rejoicing, and, 
from that time, his position was entirely changed.* 

It was the opening event of a memorable career. 
To appreciate the importance of the occurrences in 
which he was to play so important a part, a brief 
consideration of the affairs of Brittany at this period 
is essential. 

* " Je vous donrai chevaulx du tout a vo baillie, 
De I'or et de I'argeut, ne vous en faudrait mie, 
Pour aler tout pas tout acquerre villandie, 
Si ma terre endevoit lone temp estree engagie, 
Puis qu' au jour d'un m'avez fait telle courtoisie." 

— Cuvelhier, v. 520. 




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CHAPTER II. 

SOCIAL CONDITIONS OF THE FOURTEENTH 

CENTURY. 

I32O-I381. 

Brittany in the fourteenth century — Conditions of society — Houses 
and villages — Furniture, food, and customs — Faults of society — 
Chivalry represented its best characteristics — Origin and char- 
acter of chivalry — The Chevalier — The orders of Chivalry — 
What it represented — What it accomplished — Military organiza- 
tion in the fourteenth century — The great battles of the century 
— The armour of the period — Military tactics — Strategy almost 
unknown — The influence of gunpowder. 

BRITTANY, in its physical formation, has a 
character peculiarly its own. In the early 
part of the fourteenth century, the Breton race 
exhibited qualities as stern and hardy as the land 
which it inhabited. 

The Bretons were strong in their attachment to 
their feudal sovereign. Warm and imaginative in 
temperament, extreme in good as well as in evil, 
capable of everything, except restraint ; never half- 
loving or hating, and warlike by nature, they were 
credulous of the miraculous and attracted by pomp 
and display. 



1 2 Bertrand du Guesclin. 



[1320- 



French Brittany was composed of the dioceses of 
Rennes, Nantes, Dol, Saint Malo, Saint Brieuc, and 
the eastern part of the diocese of Treguier : these 
were generally favourable to the cause of Jeanne de 
Penthievre and Charles de Blois. Breton proper, 
that is, the diocese of Saint Pol de Leon, Quimper, 
and the eastern part of the diocese of Vannes, was 
devoted to the cause of John de Montfort. 

The partisans of each cause, during a quarter of a 
century of struggle, exhibited the same tenacity of 
purpose and the same unflagging devotion to the 
representatives of the cause which they had es- 
poused. 

If we could place ourselves in the rural districts 
of Brittany or France, at the end of the reign of 
Philippe de Valois, we should be impressed by the 
great number of little villages which existed. But 
few isolated houses were to be seen. The buildings 
were uniformly grouped into small hamlets. The 
cottages or huts, of which these were composed, 
were rudely built. Their walls were most frequently 
constructed of clay or mud plaster, but sometimes 
of lath or poles, with hay or straw filling the inter- 
stices. Masonry was the exception. 

While slate or gay-coloured tiles formed the roofs 
of the principal dwellings of the cities, the cabins 
and cottages of the peasantry were generally roofed 
with thatch ; sometimes, in the vicinity of the for- 
ests, with shingles. Slate roofs were most common 
in certain parts of Brittany, especially in Anjou, 
where the great slate quarries still furnish abundant 
material for similar purposes. Nearly all houses 
consisted of a ground floor only; a few, especially 



1381] 



Social Conditions. 13 



the taverns, had a second story and were more 
pretentious in their construction and appoint- 
ments. 

The doors of the cottages were closed by wooden 
bolts or pins, and in such manner that one might 
easily push them back with a knife. Light for the 
interior was obtained through the open door, which, 
in order to facilitate this, was divided in the centre, 
the upper half being usually kept open while the 
lower half was closed. There were very few win- 
dows, and, when such existed, they were very nar- 
row. These were closed by means of a shutter, 
which it was necessary to open in order to admit 
light. Although the manufacture of glass had com- 
menced at this time, the product was thick, opaque, 
and filled with air-bubbles and irregularities, and 
was too expensive for use by the peasantry. In 
some of the windows of the houses of the better 
class the frames were filled with waxed linen or 
parchment. 

The furniture of the household was simple. In 
the living-rooms, two or three small stoves, one or 
two tables, beds of feathers or straw, an iron shovel, 
a gridiron, and a lantern were usually to be seen. 
In addition to these, the axe or hatchet, copper jugs 
for carrying milk, gourds for water, a spinning- 
wheel, candlesticks of copper, or more frequently 
of brass or of wood, and irons or fire-dogs of iron, and 
panniers for the back of the horse, for use upon the 
journey or the trip to market, were common. 

The table furniture consisted of cups and plates of 
pewter and glass. Special drinking-cups, brightly 
coloured, were numerous. Silver cups and spoons 



14 Bertrand du Guesclin. [1320- 

were more frequently found than among the same 
class at the present time.* 

Bed and table linen also were in common use. 
The cellar contained two or three casks for wine, 
and simple tubs and pails. The farm utensils con- 
sisted of an iron-shared plough, others of wood, mat- 
tocks for breaking up soil, and panniers for grain 
and vegetables. These, and a few smaller articles 
of slight value, made up the complement. 

Wages were fair in amount. The purchasing 
power of money at that period was proportionately 
as great as at any time since. 

Food was abundant and of good quality. Wheat 
bread, though not so common as rye, was every- 
where to be had. Pork and bacon were largely used 
as food. Beverages, in the form of wine, were 
abundant. In some portions of Normandy cider 
was generally drunk, but the cheapness and abun- 
dance of wine rendered its consumption very large. 

All occasions of ceremony, such as weddings, bap- 
tisms, and saints' days, were celebrated by banquets, 
which were quite general in character. That which 
gave them this feature was the custom requiring 
each comer to bring his contribution. One person 
was designated as governor of the feast, and it was 
his duty to collect the donations brought by the 
guests. 

Besides the religious or family fetes, there were 
others which belonged to certain seasons of the 
year. Some of these are exceedingly primitive and 
ancient. In Vermandois, for example, during the 
night of the first day of May, green branches were 

* Luce, Hist, de Bert, du Guesclin, p. 60. 



1381] Social Conditions. 1 5 

placed at the doors of the homes of the young un- 
married girls. On the eve of St. John's Day, in the 
neighbourhood of Sens, parents having very young 
babies displayed them near their homes, surrounded 
with green branches, and distributed little tarts to 
the persons who came to see them,* 

These fetes have the same antiquity as the folk- 
lore and folk-songs. Each country, and each village 
even, has its special fetes. It is a notable fact that 
dancing forms a prominent feature in all of them. 
In each village a special place was set apart for 
these fetes, and in some the cemetery or its vicinity 
was the chosen locality. 

In each manor district there was a physician or 
surgeon. The surgeons were examined and licensed 
by a Board of the Masters of Surgery of Paris. 
They displayed as a sign a small banner hung from 
a window of their house. The physicians were 
sometimes given the degree of Master of Arts and 
of Medicine. Doctors in medicine held the same 
relative position or rank as other doctors of degree, 
and, like the clergy, very generally took vows of 
celibacy. This restriction was removed about the 
middle of the fourteenth century by the permission 
to marry, granted by the Cardinal d'Estonteville.f 

Beside the manor physician, there was in nearly 
every village the " barber surgeon," whose low fees 
brought him the larger part of the patronage of the 
peasantry. 

The clothing of the period was extravagant, espe- 
cially among the upper classes. Luxury found its 

* Arch. Natle. Manuscripts, JJ, 96, No. 95. 

f Etienne Pasquier, Recherches de la France, iii., chap. xxix. 



1 6 Bertrand du Guesclin. [1320- 

expression in the amount of fur trimming which 
appeared upon all articles of personal clothing or 
decoration. Its character varied with the wealth 
and position of the wearer. From the most expen- 
sive and rare fur to the skin of the hare, all grades 
were employed. Decoration of articles of clothing 
with ornaments of gold and silver was very com- 
mon. The fourteenth century has been styled the 
century of linen. This is due to the fact that the 
chemise, or shirt of linen, came into general use dur- 
ing this period. 

It was the successor of the woollen undergarment 
known as the chainse, which was generally worn in 
the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. During the 
earlier years of the same century, the manufacture 
and consequent use of letter-paper became general, 
and was due in no small degree to the increased 
use of linen. Parchment and paper of eastern manu- 
facture were employed for record, but commanded 
a price too high for ordinary purposes. Paper made 
of linen rags thus became available for common use. 

We cannot, even in the briefest review of the con- 
ditions of any period, no matter what may have been 
its virtues and successes, close our eyes to its faults 
and its vices. While the fourteenth century presents 
much that is attractive in the brilliancy of its chivalry, 
and in advances made over the conditions of preced- 
ing centuries, it is darkened by the shadow of its 
barbarity and the blot of the immorality of its 
administration of justice. This latter was mainly 
conducted through two avenues, — seigneurial or 
lordly justice, and royal justice. The first was that 
of locality, and accompanied the title of the soil. 



1381] 



Social Conditions. 1 7 



From this, appeal to the second, or royal justice, was 
a resource of the condemned. Both were equally 
cruel. Arrests upon frivolous or personal grounds 
were common, and the most brutal punishments 
were resorted to, among which were mutilation, and 
branding with the red-hot iron. Torture, though 
forbidden by royal ordinance, was constantly used 
in obtaining evidence. The royal pardon could be 
obtained for the foulest crimes, on the ground of 
faithful service to the King in war. 

Yet, though so dark a picture is drawn of im- 
portant institutions of the period, there were those 
among the clergy, the educated laity, and the nobil- 
ity, who were superior to the prevailing spirit of the 
times, and left, as monuments of their more elevated 
character, educational institutions founded for the 
benefit of the people, with provisions for care of the 
sick and injured among their followers. Nearly 
every hamlet had its aid association. And thus, 
through the dark shadows which inhumanity and 
force cast over many of the most important events 
of this period, we catch occasional and reassuring 
glimpses of the existence of the higher virtues. 

In no manner can we so fully appreciate this latter 
fact as in a review of the institution of chivalry, 
among whose chevaliers and squires we shall find the 
impersonation of all that was best and noblest, and 
in whose institutions, in spite of conspicuous failures 
on the part of some of its representatives, was main- 
tained a spirit of justice which links the honour and 
integrity of that disturbed era with that of the more 
peaceful present. Different ideals and standards 
exist in the two periods of history ; but that which 



1 8 Bertrand du Guesclin. [1320- 

gave rise to and continued the institution of chiv- 
alry in that period, is the same mental trait which, 
under changed conditions, has manifested itself in 
the more elevated altruism of the present day. 

Some uncertainty as to the origin of chivalry has 
existed. This has arisen from an imperfect concep- 
tion of what it represents. There are those who 
claim to see, in the chivalry of the Romans, the 
type of the chivalry of the Middle Ages. It is not 
necessary to consider these claims. The chivalry of 
the Middle Ages presents no points in common with 
that, so called, of the Romans. Chivalry, to be 
fully comprehended, should be considered in its 
political relations. Before the middle of the elev- 
enth century nothing appears to mark its existence. 
Yet it was not a sudden creation, it was a gradual 
growth. Its origin must be determined by its har- 
mony with existing conditions and laws. 

According to Sainte Palaye, three opinions of the 
origin of chivalry are to be considered * : — 

1. " Chivalry, as the Feudal System, as intimately 
connected with the conquest of the Gauls, since its 
customs and spirit seem to be in accord with those 
of the nations of the North. 

2. " Chivalry, as born in the reign of Charle- 
magne ; all the traditions of the Middle Ages seem- 
ing to attest this. 

3. " That the Scandinavians introduced chivalry 
into the customs of the French people, since the 
Edda and the sublime discourses of Odin contain a 
large number of precepts which closely conform to 
those followed by the knights chevaliers." 

* Sainte Palaye, Me'inoires sur V Ancienne Chevalerie, vol. i. , p. xvii. 



1381] Social Conditions. 19 

That neither of these opinions is correct seems to 
be the natural deduction. After a careful study of 
the character and laws of chivalry, one almost in- 
stinctively concludes that chivalry was simply a free 
association, of which the ultimate object was the 
defence of the feeble, and that the laws of this asso- 
ciation were for a long time sanctioned by usage 
before being adopted as feudal laws. 

It owed its existence to causes which are not fully 
demonstrable at the present time. The more one 
studies the subject, the more he is persuaded that 
chivalry originated, and reached its highest point of 
development, upon the soil of France. It intrenched 
itself in the customs and laws of the state, as it de- 
pended upon the courage and honour of the leaders 
of the people. It became the law of the state be- 
cause it met all the conditions of convenience and 
necessity which gave to institutions a legal charac- 
ter.* In its essential features it was a ceremonial. 
While not based upon any special religious creed, it 
bore in some respects a strong resemblance to the 
ecclesiastical profession. It is a parallel resemblance 
only in respect to its similarity of applications and 
qualifications, its privileged and specified vestments, 
its corresponding or equivalent privileges, and its 
positive duties and obligations. 

The qualities of the chevalier, as demanded by 
the laws of chivalry, well expressed its character. 
Sainte Palaye gives these as follows: " strength, 
endurance, gentility, gentleness, courtesy, wealth, 
and influence." Aside from the defence of the true 
faith, so called, the chevalier was the special de- 

* Sainte Palaye, Memoires sur VAncienne Chevalerie, vol. i., p. xxi. 



20 Bertrand du Guesdin. [1320- 

fender of the widow, the orphan, and the oppressed 
or the wronged. Women, especially, had claims for 
protection. Without arms to maintain her posses- 
sions, it was her privilege to call upon the individual 
chevalier to become her special protector. No obli- 
gation was more binding than fidelity to his word, 
and no greater disgrace could come upon the che- 
valier than the breaking of his parole. 

To secure hardihood, skill in the use of arms, and 
readiness for duty, constant exercise and practice 
were essential. To this end mock battles, known as 
jousts, were established. This was undoubtedly the 
origin of the tournament; but it developed into a 
much more significant and extensive ceremony. 
From a military exercise, it became a solemn oc- 
casion, where the -magnificence and the fulness of 
chivalry were displayed. While chivalry was in one 
sense " a school of prowess," it was in another 
the field of honour and glory, and developed so 
deep a respect for courage and integrity, that it 
became the embodiment of most that was noblest 
and best in the period during which it was at the 
height of splendour. It is true that it greatly devel- 
oped the martial spirit, but, founded upon a high 
standard of personal honour, it became a fit oppo- 
nent to the brutal spirit which is based upon the 
belief, so prevalent at that time, that " might makes 
right." 

The titles of "Sire" and "Monsieur" were 
originally given to chevaliers, and were titles of 
distinction. To the ladies, who were the special 
objects of devotion on the part of the chevalier, 
were given the designation of " Dame " or " Ma- 



1381] 



Social Conditions. 2 1 



dame." Those of the squires were called " Made- 
moiselle." * 

The distinctions between the orders of chivalry 
were very sharply drawn. A knight could fight 
with a knight only, and a squire with a squire only. 
During the height of chivalry these laws were most 
rigidly observed. Previous to the reign of John II. 
of France, 1350 to 1364, chivalry had reached its 
meridian, but may be said to have commenced a 
decHne during his reign, which continued through 
those of the three Charleses who followed him; 
though it was brilliantly represented by Du Guesclin, 
Louis de Sancerre, and hosts of others. 

The various orders or degrees of chivalry were 
distinctly marked by corresponding differences in 
dress. The chevalier, in the character of his cloth- 
ing, his armour, and accoutrements, was brilliant in 
comparison with the squire, and was correspondingly 
impressive in his effect upon the people. Few of 
the rights of the chevalier belonged to the squire. 
The chevalier was exempted from the payment of 
taxes. His armour opened all gates to him and 
insured a free passage. If taken prisoner, his dig- 
nity assured him protection, and ordinarily his 
parole secured his freedom. 

Of all the rights which belonged to the chevalier, 
that of creating new chevaliers was the most import- 
ant. This was granted, even at the time of his own 
promotion. In this respect the chevalier shared the 
power and authority of his sovereign. At festivals 
and in solemn assemblies the chevaliers had their 

* Sainte Palaye, Memoir es sur VAncienne Chevalerie, yo\. i., pp. 
285, 287, notes 7 and 8. 



22 Bertrand du Guesclin. L1320- 

own special tables, and were served by their squires, 
Monarchs felt that they could not impress their chil- 
dren with too high a respect for an order to which 
their thrones owed their sturdiest support and their 
brilliancy; and they declined to be crowned until 
they had been themselves admitted to the order 
and received their complete panoply. 

If a chevalier was worthy and able to furnish for 
the state a sufficient number of men-at-arms, he was 
permitted to add to his simple title of Chevalier, or 
ChevaHer " Bachelor," the more noble title of Che- 
valier " Banneret." The special distinction of the 
banneret was the form of banner which he carried 
upon his lance. It differed from that of the ordi- 
nary chevalier in being square instead of a narrow 
pennon with divided point. To the bannerets high 
honours were offered in the titles of " Count," 
" Baron," " Marquis," and "Duke." These titles 
conferred upon them and their wives a rank and 
prominence which marked the importance of their 
services to the state. These honours, which at first 
were personal, later became hereditary. 

While chivalry rendered brilliant the positions of 
those who sustained it by feats of courage and of 
arms, as well as by exalted traits of character, it also 
visited with severe penalties and disgrace those who, 
by any crime, treachery, or failure to observe its 
highest requirements, should bring any stain or 
dishonour upon it. 

The slightest faults, if of a disreputable character, 
excluded the chevalier committing them from the 
tables of other chevaliers or squires. Should his 
fault be extreme, he was correspondingly disgraced, 



1381] Social Conditions. 23 

and with a formality of great solemnity. He was 
led into a public place, where his armour was 
stripped off, broken and trampled in the dust, the 
blazon was effaced from his shield, and he was con- 
ducted before the door of a church and covered 
with funereal robes. Here the prayers for the dead 
were read over him, and he was dismissed from all 
association with the members of the order, and 
deprived of all privileges belonging to an honour- 
able person. 

While chivalry may have had its weak points, it 
had many sources of appeal to the highest traits of 
human character. The brotherhood of chevaliers 
and squires was a close and devoted one. Personal 
sacrifice, mutual aid, and unselfishness were promi- 
nent traits in this relation. The cause of the weak 
was an appeal which ever met with a ready response 
from its chevaliers and squires. 

While we so distinctly recognise the advantages 
of military chivalry, of which traces only now re- 
main, we are not oblivious to the evils and abuses 
which in some measure counterbalance them, and 
lead us to inquire into the causes of its decadence. 
We are not unmindful of the fact that the times in 
which it flourished covered a period when debauch- 
ery, cruelty, and violence were common, and that 
not infrequently these vices were encountered in 
the chevaliers who were among the heroes of the 
time. It seems difficult to harmonise these facts, 
and to adopt the conclusion that these two opposite 
conditions could exist coincidently ; but such was in 
reality the case. 

Nothing was so powerful in estabhshing a spirit 



24 Bertrand du Guesdin. [1320- 

of emulation, in the attainment of discipline and 
integrity, in the soldiers of the time, as the laws of 
chivalry ; and it is a matter of interest, that, in a 
period so corrupt, such examples of unflinching faith 
and honour should have been developed by it. The 
truth which underlies this apparent paradox is, that 
the individual man is comparatively unimportant, 
and that there is a wide difference between a theory 
and its practice. In the most orderly communities 
it is the minority who comply with every law, and 
consequently abuses constantly creep in. These 
abuses generally must be attributed to men, and 
not to the professions which they adopt, and which 
have been established by society for its safe conduct. 

While chivalry developed individual skill and 
prowess, it did little or nothing toward establishing 
an art of warfare. The gathering of large numbers 
of chevaliers and their followers into armies for vari- 
ous purposes, was not uncommon, and collisions or 
battles between such bodies of soldiers were fre- 
quent, but no system which could merit the name 
of an art or a science is apparent. 

The right of the feudal lord to demand the service 
of his vassals in war, or for the protection of his own 
possessions, enabled the princes to assemble armies 
of soldiery of considerable proportions. 

There being no unifying power which could hold 
together and control these forces, they were un- 
wieldy and unreliable bodies. Insubordination was 
common in all such combinations ; and in an engage- 
ment, at any critical moment, disaster might be 
precipitated by the rash action or sudden withdrawal 
of some petty baron with his followers. 



1381] Social Conditions. 25 

There was thus, during the eleventh, twelfth, 
and the greater part of the thirteenth centuries, 
nothing which could be considered as strategic 
movement, and no evidence of tactical rnethod, 
Great battles were rare, and when occurring, they 
were largely a matter of accidental encounter. It is 
to be remembered that formal challenges were made 
and accepted between the leaders of forces to meet 
in battle upon a future day, and at a place desig- 
nated; but these battles were dependent for their 
result upon the comparative numbers and prowess 
of the opposing forces. 

William of Normandy, in his conquest of England, 
led an army which, though successful, was composed 
solely of his own vassals. It could not be consid- 
ered, in any sense, either well organised or well dis- 
ciplined. It may very properly be viewed as the 
origin of the armies of invasion and conquest which 
for between two and three centuries crossed and 
re-crossed between the British Islands and the con- 
tinent of Europe. 

Out of this earlier feudal organisation, if such it 
might be called, developed what has been styled the 
" Communal Militia." It, with bodies of merce- 
naries, Soitdoyers, grew into a standing army, to 
which, under Louis VII. and Philippe Augustus, 
who followed him, the chevaliers were added. An 
army, constituted for a campaign, was thus made up 
of three classes of soldiery. The first comprised the 
orders of Bannerets, Chevaliers, and Squires ; the 
second, the men-at-arms ; and the third, a large 
body of foot-soldiers, varlets, who, without ofiEicers 
or discipline, and irregularly armed with pikes and 



26 Bertrand du Guesclin. [1320- 

battle-axes, followed the other troops, and in battle 
killed the wounded of the enemy, and gathered such 
spoils as they could. 

Philippe le Bel, in his efforts to curb the assump- 
tions of an aristocratic class, jealous of its rights and 
the prerogatives of its individual members, made a 
further step toward organisation. By decrees, issued 
from 1303 to 1306, he established provisions which 
fixed the age of military service and its obligation 
to royal demands. His efforts were extended by 
the two succeeding Philippes until, under Philippe 
de Valois, the men-at-arms and cross-bowmen were 
regularly organised and paid. Thus, at the begin- 
ning or in the early part of the fourteenth century, 
while an organisation existed in the army of France, 
it was imperfect and unsubstantial. The same may 
be said, to a great degree, regarding the English 
armies. 

The facilities for moving a large force were limited. 
The commissariat was almost entirely confined to 
such supplies as could be gathered from the country 
invaded. Means of transportation were primitive; 
the roads were difficult and dangerous ; and, as the 
invading force usually plundered and devastated the 
country, it often destroyed supplies as necessary for 
its own maintenance as for that of the invaded 
territory. 

In the eleventh, twelfth, and thirteenth centuries, 
battles were fought mainly by mounted troops. 
During the latter portion of the thirteenth century 
the English had begun to appreciate the importance 
of a properly organised infantry force as an addition 
to their cavalry. The French, however, still clung 



1381] 



Social Conditions. 27 



tenaciously to the former custom of relying upon 
mounted troops and the weapons which they em- 
ployed ; and it was only after defeat followed defeat 
that they were compelled to acknowledge their error, 
and organise and estabhsh an infantry, effectively 
armed, as an essential constituent of their army. 

In the early part of the fourteenth century the 
French infantry consisted of poorly equipped arch- 
ers, who were so unreliable as to require the support 
of English, German, or Italian mercenaries, in order 
to render them a dependence. These mercenaries 
usually fought well. 

The arms and armour of the period deserve con- 
sideration in their relation to the movements on the 
field. The chevalier was protected by a suit of 
mail, as was also his horse. In its most perfect con- 
struction, this armour was proof against the weapons 
then in use. These were the wooden lance, termi- 
nating in a steel point, the sword, the battle-axe, 
and the dagger. The sword was of different dimen- 
sions and patterns, varying from that of the huge 
two-handed weapon, which required a powerful man 
to wield it, to the dagger, which was employed in 
connection with the single-handed sword, or in place 
of it, when fighting on foot. The battle-axe, like 
the sword, varied in size, form, and weight, accord- 
ing to the preference or power of the individual 
combatant. It was, in the hands of a strong and 
skilful man, a weapon as destructive as the sword. 

The squire was provided with weapons and armour 
similar to those of the chevalier, but of plainer and 
less expensive construction. 

The chevaliers and squires formed the cavalry of 



28 Bertrand du Guesclin. [1320- 

the army, and were the preponderating element of 
its composition. The infantry comprised two classes 
of troops, — the archers, who were armed with bows 
and arrows, or with cross-bows and bolts, and were 
protected with a metal head-piece and a shirt of 
mail ; and a second class which was armed with a 
pike, spear, or lance, and protected also with a 
head-piece, a shirt of mail, and a buckler. This 
shirt of mail was called a brigandine, and consisted 
of small scales of steel sewed upon a thick shirt of 
buckram. These latter foot-soldiers were sometimes 
designated briga?ids. 

It has been said that " all the great battles of the 
fourteenth century present us with striking exam- 
ples of entire absence of skill in tactics." ^ 

While this is in the main true, we cannot admit 
that the absence of skill in tactics was " entire." 
In reality, the earliest evidences of some tactical 
effort were beginning to appear in the battles fought 
by the great leaders of this century. Until this 
time, the selection of a strong position, and awaiting 
the attack of an opposing force, were rare. Nor was 
it until this period that the importance of guarding 
the flanks of an army, or of posting reserve forces to 
meet possible critical conditions, was appreciated, 
and only then by a conspicuous few. It is true 
that no strategic movements were conceived, and 
that the tactics employed were far from profound ; 
but it must not be forgotten that, previously, reliance 
for success had been placed entirely upon the pre- 
ponderance of numbers to crush the opposing party. 
Cr^cy, Poitiers, and other decisive fields of the first 
* Lacroix, Military Life of the Middle Ages. 



1381] Social Conditions. 29 

half of the fourteenth century were won by the 
English ; not by superior bravery or numbers, but 
by an organisation and discipline superior to that of 
their antagonists, who were lacking in such discipline 
and skilful management upon the field. 

In campaign, the movements of the armies of the 
period were virtually little more than a destructive 
raid. The hostile forces moved independently, and 
frequently each was in total ignorance of the loca- 
tion of the other's troops. Sometimes passing each 
other, an accidental collision with some part of the 
opposing army would decide the locality for or the 
precipitation of a battle. This appears in such 
movements as those which immediately preceded 
Poitiers, where the Black Prince, seeking to avoid a 
battle with John of France, had turned aside, and 
the French army passed his own. Each commander 
was unaware of the position of the other until an 
accidental meeting of a part of the rear-guard of the 
French with some of the English forces disclosed to 
John of France that the army, which he supposed 
was before him, was really in his rear. 

The fortified castle and the chevalier in full armour 
represent the chief military organisation of the pe- 
riod. The fortress and the walled town were the 
central features of the existing system of warfare. 
Occupying important commanding points, these 
strong castles required long sieges for their reduc- 
tion and capture. The massiveness of their con- 
struction, and their powers of resistance to the 
comparatively feeble destructive engines in use at 
the time, rendered it possible for a small body of 
defenders to hold such fortresses for a long period 
against the efforts of a strong attacking force. 



30 Bertrand du Guesclin. [1320-8I 

It has been said that the invention of gunpowder 
was the most potent of the agencies which led to the 
decHne of chivalry. Its discovery in the thirteenth 
century, and its use as it developed in the latter 
part of the fourteenth century, gradually lessened 
the importance of personal prowess upon the field 
of battle. But other causes were equally active. 
During the period which this sketch covers, gunpow- 
der had gained comparatively little importance. 
The instruments for its employment in warfare were 
poorly constructed and rarely resorted to. They 
had not reached a point beyond the rude cannon and 
bombard, so called, which were occasionally used 
against and for the defence of walls. 

These were the conditions in which Du Guesclin 
commenced and completed his military career. 
Gifted with a strength and personal prowess rarely 
equalled, and inspired by a remarkable military 
genius, he was enabled to organise an army, and 
control its movements upon the field, taking advan- 
tage of every condition and circumstance. This 
combination, so essential to the soldier, assured his 
success, and made him one of the great captains of 
history. 

It has been truly said of him, " Common sense, 
not aphorisms, drawn from the customs of the tour- 
nament, guided the campaigns of Du Guesclin. He 
took the field, not in a spirit of adventure, but in a 
spirit of business." " He would fight if necessary, 
but was just as ready to reach his goal by craft as 
by hard blows. ' ' * 

* Oman, The Art of War in the Middle Ages, pp. 107, 108. 



CHAPTER III. 

THE STRUGGLE FOR SUCCESSION. 

I34I-I354. 

The Duchy of Brittany ; political conditions — Struggle for the Suc- 
cession—John de Montfort a prisoner — The Countess takes the 
field — Edward III. aids the cause — Robert d'Artois — Execution 
of the Breton Nobles — Du Guesclin an adherent of Charles de 
Blois — Adventures near Forgeray — The Battle of Crecy — Truce 
between France and England — Death of Philippe de Valois — 
Succession of John II. — Death of Jeanne du Malmains — War of 
the Partisans — Du Guesclin a partisan — " Battle of the Thirty" 
— Efforts for peace — The Black Prince invades France — Le 
Marechal d'Audrehem — Du Guesclin at Montmuran — He cap- 
tures the Castle of Forgeray. 



THE death of John HI., Due de Bretagne, which 
occurred April 30, 1341, was the initial cause 
of a series of events most disastrous for France as 
well as for Brittany. In returning to his duchy 
from the siege of Tournay, which was being pressed 
at that time by Edward III. of England, he was 
stricken with a fatal illness, and died at Caen, in 
Normandy, on his homeward journey. 

John III. left no children; and the succession to 
the dukedom, rendered vacant by his death, gave 
rise to a prolonged and bitter struggle, which cost the 

31 



32 Bertrand du Guesclin. [1341- 

lives of many of the noblest chevaliers of France 
and Brittany, and resulted in untold misery for the 
people of the unfortunate duchy, 

Arthur II. of Brittany, the father of John III., 
had been twice married. By his first marriage he 
had two sons, John and Guy; and by the second, 
one son, John, Comte de Montfort. Guy de Bre- 
tagne married Jeanne d'Avengour. Of this marriage 
the offspring was a daughter, who married Charles 
de Chatillon,* the youngest son of Guy, Comte de 
Blois, and Margaret de Valois, sister of Philippe VI. 
of France. 

Upon the death of John III., the succession was 
claimed by Charles de Blois in behalf of his wife, 
Jeanne, and also by John de Montfort as being 
nearest of kin. It is evident that the deceased 
Duke of Brittany had anticipated the claims of his 
half-brother, John de Montfort, and had sought, by 
the alliance which was secured in the marriage of his 
niece with Charles de Blois, to meet and forestall 
them. 

John de Montfort immediately assumed the right 
of succession and speedily overran the province of 
Brittany with his forces, and, crossing to England, 
laid his claim before Edward III., urging him to aid 
him in maintaining his pretensions, and promising to 
acknowledge allegiance to him as his sovereign, in 
return for such aid as he should receive from him. 
Edward readily accepted the proposition, and prom- 

* John III. desired to have this daughter succeed him, and wished 
to marry her to one of her cousins of the houses of Laval or Rohan, 
but feared the Jealousy which would arise in consequence. He chose 
the family of Chatillon, one of the most illustrious of Europe. The 
family became extinct in 1764. 



13541 The Struggle for Succession. 33 

ised to render armed assistance in maintaining his 
possessions and in furthering his claims in Brittany. 
Charles de Blois had, in the meantime, laid his cause 
before Philippe VI. of France, who was disposed to 
espouse it. After consultation with the leading 
lords of France, he summoned John de Montfort 
and Charles de Blois to appear before a council of 
the Peers of France, to whom their respective 
claims should be submitted. Before this parlia- 
ment, both John de Montfort and Charles de Blois 
were heard, and the legal claims of each were fully 
presented. The decision of the council was un- 
favourable to the cause of De Montfort, and in 
favour of Charles de Blois. 

The claims of the latter were sustained on the 
ground that the children of a brother should suc- 
ceed against the claim of an uncle ; that the right of 
succession descended to the eldest, and, in the event 
of his death without issue, that all fiefs and rights 
were transferred to the next younger brother; that 
the children of the eldest, male or female, succeeded 
to the rights of their parents against an uncle. This 
decree was rendered on the 7th of September, 1341, 
at Conflans.* 

John de Montfort refused to accept this decision, 
and continued to seize castles and strongholds in 
those portions of Brittany which had been favour- 
able to the cause of his rival, Charles de Blois. The 
latter, with the aid of the Due de Normandie and 
other nobles, immediately entered upon a campaign 
designed to gain possession of the province of Brit- 
tany by the recapture of such portions of territory 

* Actes de Breiagne, vol. i., col. 1415. 



34 Bertrand du Guesclin. [i34t- 

and such strongholds as John de Montfort had al- 
ready taken, as well as to seize and hold important 
places which were loyal to the Comte de Montfort. 
One of the first points of attack was the strong fort- 
ress of Chateauceau, situated upon the banks of the 
Loire. The position and strength of this castle 
caused it to be considered the gate of entrance to 
Brittany, upon that side of its territory. After a 
severely contested siege, the fortress was compelled 
to surrender to the forces of Charles de Blois. Push- 
ing rapidly onward, he invested and attacked the 
town of Quonquefon, not far distant from Nantes, 
which was his objective point. It was quickly 
taken, pillaged, and burned, and the investment of 
Nantes immediately followed. This was so sturdily 
pressed, that the burghers of the city, fearing its 
ultimate capture and pillage, entered into negotia- 
tions with the Due de Normandie for its surrender. 
This was accomplished ; and the forces of Charles de 
Blois entered the city and took possession of it, 
making the Comte de Montfort prisoner.* From 
Nantes he was sent to Paris, and confined in the 
tower of the Louvre. While the capture and im- 
prisonment of John de Montfort was a severe blow 
to his cause, it did little more than retard the activ- 
ity of operations in his behalf. Jeanne de Mont- 
fort, his wife, immediately took the field in his stead. 
The nobles and knights, who had followed her 
husband, raUied around the Comtesse, who dis- 
played rare traits of military skill and bravery. 
Charles de Blois was, however, very active and per- 
sistent, and immediately besieged the city of Rennes, 
* Froissart, Liv. I., Part I., chap. 157, Buchoned. 




I 










PHILIPPE VI. (DE VALOIS) 




1354] The Struggle for Succession. 35 

which he captured after a brave though short resist- 
ance. Without delay, he invested the Castle of 
Hennebon, into which the Comtesse de Montfort 
had retreated, and pushed the siege with energy. 
The Comtesse used every effort to encourage her 
forces to sustain the siege and await the arrival of 
aid from England, which had been promised by 
Edward III. So vigorously was the siege pressed, 
that the fortress was upon the point of negotiations 
for surrender when the hoped-for aid arrived, and 
the English auxiliaries, under the leadership of Sir 
Amauri de Clisson, uniting their forces with those 
of the defenders, raised the siege. 

In the latter part of 1342 a temporary cessation 
of hostilities gave the Comtesse de Montfort oppor- 
tunity to cross to England to secure more substan- 
tial aid from Edward III. She was kindly received 
by the King of England, who had just successfully 
repelled an invasion of his territories by the Scots. 
He readily promised to send to her aid a force of 
four thousand men-at-arms and six thousand arch- 
ers. These he placed under the command of Lord 
Robert d'Artois, who, though allied by blood to the 
noblest families of France, had suffered disgrace 
from his intrigues against the crown of Philippe de 
Valois, his brother-in-law. Able and resourceful, 
adroit and plausible, he had obtained a strong influ- 
ence over Edward III. ; and to this influence, more 
than to any other cause, may be attributed his decis- 
ion to urge and strive to sustain his flimsy claim to 
the crown of France, which resulted in the sanguin- 
ary struggle which continued through his own and 
the reigns of the next two successors to his throne. 



36 Bertrand du Guesclin. [1341- 

Robert d'Artois was the son of Philippe d'Artois, 
who died before his children reached mature age. 
Upon his death, his aunt, Mathilde de Bourgogne, 
claimed the county in behalf of herself as next of 
kin. Two of her daughters had married the two 
sons of Philippe IV. of France, Philippe le Long 
and Charles le Bel, and this circumstance undoubt- 
edly influenced Philippe of France in granting the 
fief of Burgundy to Mathilde. 

Robert d'Artois took serious affront at this decis- 
ion, and when Philippe de Valois succeeded to the 
throne, he renewed his claims. His efforts, which 
he endeavoured to sustain by fraudulent papers, 
having failed, he fled in disgrace to Brussels. Later, 
in March, 1332, his estates were confiscated, and a 
decree of banishment was entered against him. He 
took refuge with Edward IH. of England, and until 
the time of his death used every effort to wreak his 
vengeance upon Philippe de Valois, whom he con- 
sidered the source of his misfortunes. Through his 
influence, also, Edward entered into alliances with 
several of the princes of the Low Countries, and, 
taking advantage of the Flemish revolt, essayed to 
invade France on the side of Flanders. These 
operations were, however, attended with no import- 
ant result; and Edward, listening to the entreaties 
of the Comtesse de Hainault, and raising the siege 
of Tournay, signed a truce for a year with Philippe 
de Valois. 

The application of the Comtesse de Montfort was 
therefore the more readily listened to, since the civil 
dissensions of Brittany afforded him a favourable 
opportunity for pressing his own claims; while an 



13541 The Struggle for Succession. 37 

alliance with one holding ports of entry gave him an 
easy access to France, whenever he should deem it 
desirable to enter her territories with an invading 
army. He was therefore an interested spectator in 
the events which were passing, and found it for his 
own advantage to render the Comtesse de Montfort 
the aid which she desired. 

The expedition, after many delays, sailed from 
Southampton, and was for a time detained by ad- 
verse \*inds. As it finally neared the shores of 
Brittany, it was met by a fleet of Genoese and 
Spanish vessels, under the command of Lord Louis 
of Spain. An engagement resulted, which was ter- 
minated by the oncoming of night. Both fleets 
anchored, with the intention of renewing the con- 
flict on the following day; but, a tempest arising, 
the vessels were scattered, and the English finally 
landed near Vannes, in the southern part of Brit- 
tany. The English troops, united with the forces 
of De Montfort, laid waste certain portions of Brit- 
tany. Vannes was taken, and Rennes besieged ; but 
these successes were only temporary, Vannes being 
retaken by the forces of Charles de Blois, and the 
siege of Rennes being raised. 

At the siege of Vannes, Robert d'Artois received 
a serious and painful wound, from the effects of 
which he soon died. His death was a severe loss to 
the cause of De Montfort. Edward IH., angered at 
the- failure of his efforts to aid the Comtesse de 
Montfort, immediately fitted out another expedition, 
and sailed for the coast of Brittany. Landing near 
Vannes, he successively besieged that city, Rennes, 
and Nantes, all of which he failed to capture. He 



38 Bertrand du Guesclin. [1341- 

was soon confronted by the Due de Normandie, 
with a well-appointed force largely superior to his 
own, and was in danger of being captured, together 
with his forces, when he was relieved by a truce, 
secured by the intervention of Clement VL, which 
was concluded at Malaestroit on the 19th day of 
January, 1343, to continue three years. 

The affairs of the Comtesse de Montfort had 
gained little by the efforts of Edward in her behalf, 
while he suffered the mortification of the failure of 
two large and expensive expeditions. The truce, 
which he had been compelled to sign by the stress 
of necessity, was very galling to him, and he sought 
a pretence by which he might escape from its pro- 
visions. Nothing of sufficient importance occurred 
favouring his designs, until the King of France, 
under suspicion of treason, wantonly caused the 
execution of Sir Olivier de Clisson and fourteen 
other Breton lords, without even the formality of a 
trial. 

Accordingly he declared the truce broken by this 
act, and after some delay sent a force of nine hun- 
dred men-at-arms and two thousand archers, under 
command of Henry, Earl of Derby, with the Earls 
of Oxford and Pembroke and others, into the pro- 
vince of Guienne, where they landed early in the 
summer of 1345. 

The Earl of Derby, after proceeding to Bordeaux, 
immediately besieged the fortress and town of Ber- 
gerac, on the river Dordogne, which was taken after 
a spirited resistance. 

Pushing his efforts^ the Earl of Derby succeeded 
in taking several important points in P^rigord and 



1354] The Struggle for Succession. 39 

Agenois, and late in the season returned to Bor- 
deaux. Learning that the Comte de Lille, command- 
ing the French forces, was besieging Auberoche, he 
moved suddenly against him, and, surprising his 
forces, succeeded in defeating him and making him 
a prisoner. Following this success, he captured the 
strong castle of La Reole, the town of Angouleme, 
and other important points, and then returned to 
Bordeaux for the winter. 

During this period, Du Guesclin had attained the 
age of twenty-three years. It was impossible that 
a mind as active as his should fail to be deeply 
impressed with the important events which were 
transpiring on every side. His family was inclined 
to favour the cause of Charles de Blois, and to it 
he also committed himself with all the energy of 
his nature.* Believing in its legality, he openly 
espoused it, and began the collection of a force 
with which to aid it. Having limited resources of 
his own, he sought means to replenish his purse. 
Cuvelhier relates, f that, taking from his mother's 
apartments a casket of jewels and money, he divided 
the contents among his soldiers. To her reproaches 
he replied that he " would soon return them an hun- 
dred-fold increased." The opportunity soon came. 

Riding on the road to the Castle of Forgeray, and 
having but a single follower on foot, he encountered 
a knight accompanied by his squire, and followed by 
an attendant leading a sumpter horse. On accost- 
ing him, Du Guesclin learned that the knight was an 
Englishman. He immediately stated to him that 
he was a supporter of Charles de Blois. The Eng- 
* Cuvelhier, v. 640. f Idem., v. 657. 



40 Bertrand du Guesclin, [1341- 

Hsh knight, lowering his lance, attacked Du Gues- 
clin, who skilfully avoided him. With one blow of 
his battle-axe breaking the lance of the knight, he, 
with a second, struck him from his horse. The 
squire, riding to the assistance of the knight, at- 
tempted to run him through with his lance; but a 
blow from the terrible battle-axe severed his right 
arm, and a second struck his horse to the ground, 
carrying his rider with him. Mounting the horse of 
the fallen knight, Du Guesclin captured the attend- 
ant, who had taken flight with the led-horse and his 
burden. This proved to be the large ransom of the 
knight which he was taking to the Castle of For- 
geray. With the armour and horses of the knight 
and squire, it became the property of Du GuescHn, in 
accordance with the laws of chivalry. This prize 
enabled him to return the forced loan which he had 
made from his mother, and furnished him with valu- 
able arms for himself, besides a portion to be divided 
among his followers.* 

Little occurred, beside such conflicts, between the 
forces of the Comtesse de Montfort and those of 
Charles de Blois, during the year 1345. 

Early in the following year, John, Due de Nor- 
mandie, was sent with a large army into Guienne to 
arrest the progress of the English. Edward III., 
learning of this movement, mustered a large army, 
and on the 2d of July sailed from Southampton 
for Guienne ; but adverse winds carried him to the 
shores of Cornwall. On again setting sail, he de- 
cided to enter Normandy, and invade France through 
that province. 

* Cuvelhier, v. 699. 



1354] The Struggle for Succession. 41 

He accordingly landed upon that coast, and pre- 
pared to overrun the country. Dividing his army 
into three portions, he placed the first under com- 
mand of Sir Geoffroi de Harcourt, a French noble- 
man, who had been driven from France by the 
severities of Philippe de Valois; the second he 
commanded himself, taking with him his young son 
Edward, called the Black Prince ; and the third was 
placed under the command of the Earl of Warwick. 

The country was systematically plundered and laid 
waste ; many important towns, also, were captured 
and pillaged ; and, passing the vicinity of Rouen, 
he extended his operations to the neighbourhood of 
Paris. Philippe de Valois collected a large force, 
amounting to nearly one hundred thousand men, 
with which to oppose the English invaders. These 
troops were nearly three times the number of those 
of Edward, who accordingly began a retreat. Phi- 
lippe, anxious to meet him, pressed his forces, and 
came up with them near the river Somme. This 
the English succeeded in crossing, through informa- 
tion given by the treachery of a French prisoner, at 
the ford of Blanche Tache, near Abbeyville, and, 
taking a position near Cr^cy, prepared to meet the 
army of Philippe. 

The waggons and horses were parked in the rear, 
near a wood. Dividing his forces into three divis- 
ions, he placed the first under command of Edward, 
the Black Prince, who was directly assisted by Sir 
John Chandos, the Earl of Warwick, and others. 
Taking one division under his own command, the 
third was placed under the Earl of Northumberland. 

The division under command of the Black Prince 



42 Bertrand du Guesclin. 



[1341- 



was placed at the front. Before this were arranged 
a large body of archers in the form of a harrow, 
behind whom were placed the men-at-arms. In the 
rear of this formation was drawn up the division 
commanded by the Earl of Northumberland, while 
his own division was held in reserve.* He thus 
awaited the coming of the French. 

The forces of Philippe, though greatly outnum- 
bering those of the English, lacked their discipline 
and order. Pressing forward without proper forma- 
tion and control, they became engaged with the 
English in a confused and disorderly manner. Their 
excess of numbers only added to their confusion. 
No organised attempt at discipline on the part of 
the French was manifested, and they were defeated 
and routed with great slaughter. 

So ended the battle of Crecy, a most disastrous 
event for France, in which conspicuous instances of 
personal prowess and bravery were wholly without 
result, on account of an almost absolute absence of 
military order and plan. 

After the battle of Crecy, Edward III, besieged 
Calais, which he captured after a protracted resist- 
ance. During these events the treaty of Malaes- 
troit had expired, and the active struggle for 
possession of the province of Brittany had com- 
menced anew. Constant encounters between the 
forces of the two parties met with nearly equal suc- 
cess for each side. Edward III. had sent from 
Calais, to the aid of the Comtesse de Montfort, a 
force of two hundred men-at-arms and four hundred 
archers, under command of Sir Thomas de Dagge- 
* Froissart, Liv. I., Part I., p. 235 et seq. 



1354] The Struggle for Succession. 43 

worth and Sir John Hartwell. This force besieged 
the strong castle of Roche Derrien, upon the coast 
of Brittany, which, after a brief siege, was surrend- 
ered by its governor, through the influence and 
threats of the large body of English sympathisers 
in its garrison. 

As soon as Charles de Blois heard of the loss of 
this fortress, he took immediate steps for its recap- 
ture. Leaving Nantes, with a force of sixteen hun- 
dred men-at-arms and twelve thousand foot-soldiers, 
he marched to Roche Derrien. 

The Comtesse de Montfort immediately sent a 
force of one thousand men-at-arms and eight thou- 
sand foot-soldiers, under Sir Thomas de Dagge- 
worth, to meet him. Attempting a night attack 
and surprise upon the army of Charles de Blois, Sir 
Thomas de Daggeworth failed, and was himself 
wounded and taken prisoner. But half his force was 
engaged in this encounter: the other half, being 
reenforced, attacked the army of Charles de Blois 
early on the following morning, and completely sur- 
prised and defeated it. Charles was taken prisoner, 
and many distinguished Breton nobles were slain. 
This event occurred on the 20th day of June, 1347. 
It proved a very severe blow to Charles de Blois. 
After subjecting him to every indignity, the Com- 
tesse de Montfort caused him to be transferred to 
London and imprisoned in the Tower. Here he 
remained for a long period. 

The victory of the Comtesse de Montfort was by 
no means final, as far as the cause of Charles de 
Blois was concerned ; for Jeanne la Boiteuse, his 
wife, immediately took the field in his behalf, and 



44 Bertrand du Guesclin. [1341- 

proved an active and courageous opponent to the 
cause of De Montfort. 

Some relief was experienced through a truce ob- 
tained by the intervention of Clement VI. This 
was to cover a period of six months from September 
28, 1347, but was continued by successive renewals 
for nearly three years. It was imperfectly kept, 
especially in Brittany, which was in a condition of 
more or less general disturbance. 

During this interval, Charles de Blois had secured 
his release by the payment of a considerable sum, 
and by leaving as prisoners, in his stead, his two 
sons, Guy and John. During the same period, the 
great plague swept over Europe, and was especially 
destructive during the year 1349. Italy, Spain, 
France, Germany, and the north of Europe, suffered 
terribly from its ravages.* 

An effort was made by the French, during this 
interval, to regain possession of Calais. Sir Geoffroi 
de Chargny entered into an agreement with its gover- 
nor, a Lombard knight, to pay a certain sum for its 
surrender. By some means Edward III. became 
informed of these plans, and secretly landed at Calais 
with a force of three hundred men-at-arms and six 
hundred archers. At the time appointed for the 
surrender, the party which was completing the nego- 
tiations and the forces of Sir Geoffroi de Chargny 
were attacked by Edward III., and, after a persistent 
resistance, were defeated and made prisoners, f 

The death of Philippe de Valois, which occurred 
on the 22d of August, 1350, was an event of the 

* Hallam's Middle Ages, vol. i., p. 67. 
f Froissart, Liv. I., Part I., pp. 277, 278. 



1354] The Struggle for Succession. 45 

deepest import to the destinies of France. A man 
of hasty and irritable disposition and of an arbitrary 
will, he was implacable in his hostility. Extrava- 
gant in the expenditure of his resources, he was at 
the same time hard and oppressive in the exaction 
of taxes and revenue from his people. Among the 
chapters of the history of France, none are more 
replete with disaster and misfortune than those 
which record the events of his reign. Commencing 
this reign with a struggle over a title, he left at its 
close, as a legacy to France, a feud with England 
which continued for a century, and whose effects in 
hostile feeling continue to the present day. 

Philippe de Valois was succeeded by John, his 
oldest son and Due de Normandie. The expiration 
of the truce between France and England led him 
to make immediate preparations for the defence of 
his kingdom. Sending a small army toward Calais, 
he set out for the south of France with the main 
part of his forces. Visiting Avignon, he marched 
into Poitou, and besieged St. Jean d'Angley. Ed- 
ward endeavoured to raise the siege, but failed, and 
the town was taken by the King of France on the 
7th of August, 135 1. 

In the rapid review of events occurring between 
the commencement of the truce of Malaestroit and 
the disaster of Roche Derrien, we find little to 
explain the part played by Bertrand du Guesclin. 
It is not remarkable that the deeds of an obscure 
squire should fail to be recorded at a time when no 
one could foresee the great career which lay before 
him. That he was not inactive we may well con- 
clude, and, knowing his early devotion to the cause 



46 Bertrand du Guesclin. [i34i- 

of Charles de Blois, we may reasonably conjecture 
that he may have been present in the unfortunate 
affair of Roche Derrien. 

In the month of June, 1350, Du Guesclin was 
called to his old home by the death of his mother, 
Jeanne de Malmains. She was not spared to see the 
prediction of the Converse fulfilled wholly, that her 
son Bertrand should become the most noted and 
honoured of the sons of France ; but she had known 
and rejoiced in his earliest successes, which were the 
opening events of that career. She died at a time 
when her native country was harassed by the in- 
vader and torn by internal dissensions. The party 
to which her family had been loyal had suffered de- 
feat, and her death came before the dawning of that 
brighter day for France which was led in by the 
courage and military genius of her redoubtable son, 
Bertrand. 

Her will was made a few days before her death, 
in the month of June, 1350, and in it she appointed 
as her executors Robert du Guesclin (her husband) 
Thebaud de Saint Didier, and Herv^ de Mauny. 
She chose as her burial-place the Church of Sens in 
the bishopric of Rennes. As the oldest son, Ber- 
trand inherited the lands of Sens, in succession from 
his mother.* 

The absence of organised military operations led 
to an irregular and partisan warfare in Brittany. 
The oppression and exactions of the English, and 
their efforts to foment existing differences among 
the people, served to increase the resentment and 

* Hist. Genealog. de plusieurs Maisons illusir^s de Bretagne, A. 
Paz, 1620, p. 416. 




JEAN II. CLE BON) 



1354] The Struggle for Succession. 47 

hatred which had long existed. The partisans of 
Charles de Blois were bitter in their dislir:- of, 
and their determination to drive out, their English 
oppressors. 

Bertrand du Guesclin shared these sentiments 
most fully. To a nature such as his, hatred of the 
English involved active hostility to them by every 
means in his power. The captivity of the leader of 
his party, and the treaty of Edward III. with the 
King of France as well as with Charles de Blois, ren- 
dered regular warfare impossible. He was thus com- 
pelled to pursue an irregular or partisan strife against 
the English. It could not be expected that the 
nobles would be willing to place themselves under 
the leadership of an humble and obscure squire : his 
only resource, therefore, was to gather and to main- 
tain, at his own expense, a force from such sources 
as he might be able. 

Those whom he first enrolled were young men, 
inured to hardship, of approved courage, and ac- 
quainted with all the obscure roads, passes, and 
forests of those sections of the province in which 
the movements which he contemplated should be 
executed. 

Among them were a large number whom he had 
known in boyhood, and with whose characters and 
capacities he was well acquainted. From this sturdy 
yeomanry he recruited the first of his followers to 
the number of sixty. 

The section which was the theatre of these ear- 
lier adventures was the forest of Paimpont, which 
lay between the diocese of San Malo and that of 
Vannes. The former was mainly devoted to the 



48 Bertrand du Guesclin. [1341- 

cause of Charles de Blois, and the latter to that of 
the .J,nglish. 

There occurred, during the existence of these 
irregular conditions, an event which has been fre- 
quently referred to by chroniclers of this period, 
and which has been described with considerable 
minuteness by Froissart.* It is known as the 
" Battle of the Thirty." 

Sir Robert Beaumanoir, a Breton noble, and gov- 
ernor of the Castle of Josselin, with a number of 
chevaliers and squires who were followers of the 
cause of Charles de Blois, came into the vicinity of 
the Castle of Ploermel, whose governor was named 
Brambourg, and who held it for the Comtesse de 
Montfort. Marching before the barriers of the 
castle, Sir Robert Beaumanoir endeavoured to draw 
out the garrison to attack him. This they declined 
to do. Approaching nearer, he caused the governor 
to be called, and, with mutual assurance of safety, 
they entered into a parley. " Brambourg," said Sir 
Robert Beaumanoir, " have you no men-at-arms or 
two or three who wish to joust with the lance for 
the love of their ladies?" To this Brambourg 
replied that they did not wish to lose their friends 
in a single joust, " for it is a matter of fortune and 
too soon past, and one would be blamed for folly 
rather than gain honour, but I will tell you what we 
will do, if you please. You may take twenty or 
thirty of your garrison, and I will take the same 
number of mine. We will go into a fair field, where 
no one can interfere with us, and we will command, 
upon pain of death, the friends of both parties, and 

* Froissart, Liv. I., Part II,, p. 293 et seq. 





JEANNE DE BOULOGNE 

WIFE OF JEAN II. 



1364] The Struggle for Succession. 49 

all who may be present, to aid and comfort neither 
party, and there we will perform such exploits of 
arms as shall be recounted in hall and palace and 
other places of the Avorld ; and fortune and honour 
shall rest with those for whom God has destined 
it." "By my faith! " said Beaumanoir, " I agree. 
You say well ! Take you thirty, and we will bring 
our thirty also." " I promise it also," said Bram- 
bourg, " and whoever shall maintain his cause will 
obtain more honour than in a single joust." 

The agreement was afifirmed, and Sunday, four 
days later, was chosen as the day. In the mean- 
time each selected his thirty, and the sixty prepared 
for the conflict."^ On the appointed day Brambourg 
and his English companions heard mass, armed 
themselves, and repaired to the place chosen for the 
battle. Dismounting, they enjoined upon all present 
to refrain from aiding the combatants in any way, and 
awaited the coming of Sir Robert Beaumanoir and 
the French. They soon arrived and dismounted, 
facing their opponents. After a brief interval, the 
signal was given, and each party rushed to the con- 
flict. A fierce hand-to-hand struggle ensued. One 
of the French combatants was early slain. For a 
long time the struggle continued without positive 
advantage to either party, until the contestants, from 
absolute weariness and breathlessness, were com- 
pelled to cease for an interval in order to recover 

* Sir Robert Beaumanoir's thirty consisted of nine French and 
Breton chevaliers and twenty-one Breton squires. Brambourg's 
thirty contained twenty English only ; the remainder were Germans 
and Bretons. The place of meeting was half-way between the Castles 
of Josselin and Ploermel, at the chene de mi voie (" the midway oak"). 
The date was the 27th of March, 135 1. — Morice, Hist, de Bretagtie. 
4 



50 Bertrand du Guesclin. [1341- 

their strength. At this time four of the French and 
two of the English had fallen. 

After a period of rest, in which a draught of wine 
was taken and their disarranged armour replaced, 
the first who arose gave the signal, and the struggle 
recommenced. The weapons used were short and 
sharp Bordeaux swords, daggers, and battle-axes. 
" We may well believe that there were brave deeds 
of arms performed among them on both sides, body 
to body and hand to hand." But the English were 
worsted, eight of their number being killed, among 
whom was Brambourg, their leader. The remainder 
surrendered as prisoners to Sir Robert Beaumanoir, 
who, with the survivors of his party, conducted 
them to the Castle of Josselin, from which they were 
duly ransomed and released, after their wounds were 
healed, for not one of the combatants of either 
party escaped without severe wounds.* 

The death of Clement VI., which occurred on 
December 6, 1352, and the consequent accession of 
Innocent VI., were events of importance to France. 
The efforts which Clement had made to secure the 
establishment of peace between the Kings of Eng- 
land and France were continued by his successor in 
the papal chair. While they fell short of the end 
desired, they secured the extension of the existing 
truce until October of the following year. 

It was not easy to conduct negotiations of this 
character with John of France, who inherited the 
unfortunate disposition of his father Philippe. Pos- 
sessing an inconsiderate and hasty nature, to whose 
impulses he yielded without any effort at self- 
* Froissart, Liv. I., Part II., p. 294. 



1354] The Struggle for Succession. 51 

restraint, he aroused the ill will and resentment of 
the nobles by his arbitrary and severe acts. Among 
those whose anger and opposition he provoked, was 
Charles the Bad, King of Navarre, who, ready to 
enter into any alliance which might prove of present 
use or benefit to himself, concluded agreements and 
alliances with the King of England against John of 
France. 

The unfriendly relations between the King of 
France and Charles the Bad of Navarre, together 
with the disturbed condition of the kingdom, led 
Edward III. to use them as a pretence for assuming 
open hostilities. He accordingly occupied himself 
busily in raising an army with which to invade 
France. His preparations were made upon an ex- 
tensive scale, since he intended to move in several 
directions simultaneously. With this purpose he 
organised one part of his forces under command of 
Henry, Earl of Derby, recently created Duke of 
Lancaster, for service in Brittany in aid of the Com- 
tesse de Montfort. A second he placed under the 
command of his son, the Black Prince, intending this 
for operations in Gascony. A third he commanded 
himself, and proposed with it to pursue a campaign 
in Normandy. 

Embarking this force at Southampton, he sailed 
for the coast of Normandy, intending to land there 
with the main part of his army; but, baffled by 
adverse winds, he was compelled to land upon the 
island of Guernsey. Failing to receive information 
from Charles the Bad of Navarre, he delayed a sec- 
ond start. Meanwhile Charles the Bad, with his 
usual duplicity, had made peace with the King of 



52 Bertrand du Guesclin. 



[1341- 



France, in spite of his alliance with Edward III. As 
soon as Edward became aware of these conditions, 
he left the island of Guernsey, and, returning to 
England, set sail from Dover with his army, and 
landed at Calais. 

After overrunning and plundering the adjacent 
country of Artois, he besieged the fortress of Blan- 
gis, and, while so situated, sent a challenge to the 
King of France to meet him in battle. To this 
John made no reply ; and Edward, receiving inform- 
ation of an invasion of his kingdom by the Scots, 
returned to Calais in order to sail for England. The 
King of France, learning these facts, and having a 
force much superior to that of the English King, 
sent a formal challenge to Edward to meet him with 
any number he might choose. Edward declined the 
challenge, and returned to his own kingdom, where, 
while settling its disturbances, he accomplished 
little of his intention of punishing the Scots, and 
signally failed to achieve any results of importance 
by his invasion of France. 

During this period Charles de Blois had been 
endeavouring to raise, in Brittany, the ransom 
demanded for his release, and, in consequence of his 
failure to do so, had been compelled to return to 
England. To enable him to arrange for securing 
the amount of this ransom, a truce had been con- 
cluded with Charles de Blois by Edward III., in 
which the King of France joined, and which was to 
extend from March lo, 1353, to August 1st of the 
same year. 

The failure of Charles de Blois to secure his 
release, and the near approach of the termination of 



1354] The Struggle for Succession. 53 

the truce between the Kings of England and France, 
rendered the renewal of the struggle imminent. 

In view of these events, tending to the opening of 
hostilities along the frontiers of Normandy and Brit- 
tany, John II. appointed, as lieutenant of this sect- 
ion. Sir Arnoul d'Audrehem, Marechal of France,* 
who immediately took possession of his new com- 
mand, and established his headquarters at Pontorson. 
He was the descendant of an honourable family, but 
without fortune. In person he was tall, of pleasing 
manner and commanding presence, and possessed 
great physical strength and activity. 

When the county of Angouleme was given to 
Charles de Bourbon, then Constable of France, in 
December, 1356, Sir Arnoul d'Audrehem was its 
governor. In recognition of his services rendered in 
this capacity, the Constable appointed him a Mare- 
chal of France in place of Sir Edouard de Beaujeu, 
who had been killed in a combat at Ardres. In the 
same year Charles de Bourbon married Marguerite, 
the oldest daughter of Charles de Blois and Jeanne 
de Penthievre. 

At Pontorson he was brought into frequent con- 
tact with Bertrand du Guesclin. Interested in the 
same cause, possessing a similar fondness for the 
excitement and the deeds of the battle-field and of 
great personal prowess, D'Audrehem soon drew Du 
Guesclin into association with himself in a manner 
which was to exert a powerful influence upon his 
future career. 

* The great provinces had their special marechals, who commanded 
the troops of that province only. They were subordinate to the 
marechals of France. 



54 Bertrand du Guesclin. [1341- 

About the same time, Pierre de Villiers, who had 
just secured his freedom from imprisonment after 
his capture by the English at the battle of Mauron, 
was appointed by John II., through whose aid he 
had secured the amount of his ransom, captain of 
Pontorson, with instructions to strengthen its de- 
fences. De Villiers quickly recognised the good 
qualities of Du Guesclin, and conceived a warm 
friendship for and admiration of him. The friend- 
ship of D'Audrehem and De Villiers, both of whom 
were ardent supporters of the cause of France, 
undoubtedly influenced Du GuescHn in his later 
adoption of and devotion to the service of the 
King of France. 

The truce between Edward III. and Charles de 
Blois, which was extended to enable the latter to visit 
Brittany in an effort to obtain his ransom, postponed 
the commencement of hostilities. This interval 
gave an opportunity for a series of tournaments at 
Pontorson. In the organisation of these contests, 
Du Guesclin was active, and gained in them added 
reputation for skill and prowess. Associated with 
him was Sir Baudoin d'Annequin, who later became 
prominent as the commander of the cross-bowmen of 
the army of France. 

The latter months of the truce were occupied by 
the Mar^chal d'Audrehem in preparation for the 
campaign about to commence. His first active 
operation was the capture of the English fortress of 
Landal, which had proved itself a threatening neigh- 
bour to Pontorson. From here he pushed on to the 
vicinity of Becherel, and then returned to Pontorson. 

Hostilities were not renewed as early as had been 



1354] The Struggle for Succession. 55 

anticipated, since a new truce was concluded be- 
tween Edward III. and Charles de Blois, extending 
to the 2d of February, 1354. The year following, 
and before its expiration, it was further extended, 
on the 4th of January, 1354, until the 13th of the 
following April. 

It was during this period that an event occurred 
which was a notable one in the life of Du Guesclin. 
On Thursday, the loth of April, three days before 
the date of expiration of the truce, the Marechal 
d'Audrehem was entertained at the Castle of Mont- 
muran as the guest of the Dame de Tinteniac. 
Upon learning this fact. Sir Hugh Calverly,* one of 
the officers of the Anglo-Breton garrison of the 
neighbouring fortress of Becherel, determined to 
surprise and capture the marechal and the chevaliers 
who were with him. His plan would have suc- 
ceeded had not Du Guesclin, with his usual sagacity, 
suspected the possibility of such an effort, and made 
his plans to frustrate it, and to secure the capture of 
Sir Hugh Calverly himself. 

He accordingly placed thirty archers in ambush 
upon the sides of the road upon which the English 
would be compelled to pass. Coming unexpectedly 
upon these, their progress was arrested by them 
until Du Guesclin and the Marechal d'Audrehem, 
with their followers, could come to the rescue. A 
fierce encounter resulted. During this contest Sir 
Elatre de Mares, governor of the fortress at Caen, 

* He was born at Calverly in Cheshire, England. He went to 
France early in hisjife, and engaged in the wars between the French 
and English, upon the side of the English. He is said to have died 
about the year 1388. 



56 Bertrand du Guesclin. [1341- 

admiring the bravery of Du Guesclin, created him a 
chevalier upon the field of battle.* 

Calverly and nearly his entire party were made 
prisoners, but few escaping to the Castle of Becque- 
rel. After the battle, Du Guesclin assumed the 
white robe of the chevalier at the chapel of the 
Castle of Montmuran. It is perhaps in memory of 
the evening of this strife, and of the religious cere- 
mony of his promotion, that he adopted his famous 
battle-cry, Notre Dame, Guesclin ! which soon be- 
came a terror to the English, f 

Soon after this event, learning that Robert Bram- 
bourg, X governor of the Castle of Forgeray, had 
taken the greater part of his garrison upon an ex- 
pedition to surprise a detachment of the forces of 
Charles de Blois, he determined to capture the fort- 
ress by means of a stratagem. § 

Having but sixty men with him, he stationed one- 
half in a wood near the castle. With the remaining 
thirty, having their armour covered with the cloth- 
ing of wood-cutters, and bearing bundles of wood 
upon their shoulders, he presented himself before 
the barriers of the castle. The garrison had made 
demands upon the neighbouring peasants for a sup- 
ply of wood, which had come to the knowledge of 
Du Guesclin, and this had suggested this ruse. 

The warders, supposing that the wood-cutters 

* Luce, Hist, de Bert, du Guesclin^ p. 127. 

f Idem., p. 129. 

X Cuvelhier states that Robert " Bramborc," the captain of For- 
geray, was killed in attempting to retake the castle, but the Breton 
historians contradict this. He took part in the Battle of the Thirty, 
in which he was killed. The Breton historians call him Betnhro. 

§ Cuvelhier, Part I., v. 881. 



1354] The Struggle for Succession. 57 

had come in response to their demands, were taken 
off their guard, and opened the gates of the castle to 
them. As soon as Du Guesclin and his men had 
passed within the gate, he threw down his burden, 
and his followers did the same. The bundles were 
so placed that the gates could not be closed. Cast- 
ing off his disguise, he drew his sword, shouting his 
battle-cry of ' ' Guesclin ! forward, my friends, for- 
ward! " To the English he cried, " Sons of Evil, 
here is the wood, for which you will pay dear ; it is 
to warm your bath, but it is with your blood that I 
will fill the tub." He was immediately attacked by 
the garrison; but the remainder of his followers, 
hastening to his aid from the adjoining forest, 
enabled him to maintain his position. The conflict 
was severe, and as the two parties were nearly the 
same in numbers, was obstinately contested. The 
situation of Du Guesclin and his force was becoming 
somewhat critical, when one of his men announced 
the approach of a body of horsemen. To the new- 
comers, the outposts of Du Guesclin shouted, " If 
you are not for Charles de Blois, if you are English, 
fly ! for, were you double your number, you will all 
be slain, for Bertrand du Guesclin, and five hundred 
French with him are here confessing the English." 
"By the blessed Virgin, we are friends!" they 
replied. 

The arrival of aid was timely, for the party of Du 
Guesclin was stoutly opposed. With his armour 
broken, wounded in the forehead, and blinded by his 
own blood, he was fighting desperately with his 
broken battle-axe and his fists. He reluctantly 
ceased the struggle on the surrender of the garrison, 



58 



Bertrand du Guesclin. 



[1341-54 



the gates were closed by the victors, and they pro- 
ceeded to secure rest and refreshment after the 
struggle. 

Du Guesclin was not to remain long in the castle 
of which he was made governor. Leaving a suffi- 
cient garrison to protect it, he joined a number of 
Breton lords in a visit to England, in an effort to 
secure the ransom and release of Charles de Blois. 
This mission was without result of importance, and 
he returned to Brittany. 




CHAPTER IV. 

ENGLISH INVASION OF FRANCE. 

1354-1357- 

The battle of Poitiers — Release of Charles de Blois — The siege of 
Rennes — Du Guesclin and Sir Thomas Canterbury — Combat 
with Sir William Brambourg — The affair with Troussel. 

THE French, after their defeat in the sanguinary 
battle of Mauron, on the 14th of August, 1352, 
had remained upon the defensive, no extensive 
military movements having been undertaken. This 
was especially the case in Brittany, where active 
efforts to secure the release of Charles de Blois were 
in progress. 

On the conclusion of the negotiations for his 
return for the purpose of raising the amount of his 
ransom in Brittany, a general treaty had been con- 
cluded between the Kings of England and France, 
and also a special treaty between the partisans of 
Charles de Blois and those of De Montfort, extend- 
ing from the nth of November, 1354, to the 24th 
of June, 1355. 

This treaty was badly observed in the duchy, and 
constant collisions occurred between small bodies of 
the partisans of both sides. 

59 



6o Bertrand du Guesclm, [1354- 

On his return from England, Du Guesclin was 
informed that marauding parties from the EngHsh 
garrison of Becquerel had taken the Chateau de la 
Roche aux Anes, and had made frequent incursions 
into the low country about Saint Malo, and had pil- 
laged other villages of that section. He accordingly- 
summoned a number of the neighbouring chevaliers 
and squires, among whom were his cousins Olivier 
and Eon de Mauny, and took the field. He was at 
that time in command of the garrison of Chateau- 
neuf de la None, near Dinan. Joining their forces, 
they sought opportunity to meet the marauding 
parties. These they soon found and attacked, and 
routed a body of English under command of Robert 
Richer and Jannequin Toigne, both of whom were 
captured and put to ransom. 

Upon the expiration of the treaty, on the 24th of 
June, 1355, hostilities recommenced between Ed- 
ward HI. and John of France. During October and 
November, Edward pushed an expedition into Ar- 
tois, and the Black Prince at the same time invaded 
the province of Languedoc in a destructive cam- 
paign. With an army of one thousand men-at-arms 
and eleven thousand archers from England, and five 
hundred lances and three thousand light armed 
troops from Guienne, he conducted an expedition 
for the destruction of property and the collection of 
booty. No persistent attempts to take fortified 
points were made. The rich and almost defenceless 
country through which he passed was plundered and 
laid waste. An effort to take the strong towns of 
Toulouse and Narbonne failed, and, after a campaign 
in which an immense booty was collected, he re- 



1357] English Invasion of France. 6i 

turned in safety into Guienne with his spoils, having 
successfully evaded the tardy efforts of the Comte 
d'Armagnac and Lord James de Bourbon to cut off 
his retreat. 

John, under a pressing need of funds with which 
to carry on his war with the King of England, sum- 
moned a convocation of the States-General, and, 
after some reluctance on their part, secured an ordi- 
nance imposing a tax upon salt. The collection of 
this tax was openly resisted in many parts of France. 
In Normandy and Picardy, especially, armed defi- 
ance followed. The King of Navarre also violently 
objected to the enforcement of the ordinance. 

John, yielding to his hasty and obstinate temper, 
resolved that all who resisted his demands should be 
punished. Against the King of Navarre he was 
especially incensed, on account of his opposition. 
On the 5th of April following, while at a banquet in 
the Chateau de Rouen, by invitation of the Dauphin 
Charles, the King of Navarre was arrested by order 
of John, and thrown into prison. At the same time 
the Comte de Harcourt, Lord de Graville, Maubue, 
and Nicholas Duplet, Breton nobles, were seized, 
and, without any form of trial, were immediately 
beheaded in an adjoining field ; while Charles of 
Navarre was conducted to Paris, where he was 
thrown into prison.* 

This hasty and cruel act provoked intense hostil- 
ity on the part of both Breton and French nobles, 
and changed the purposes of Edward regarding the 
destination of the troops which he had assembled 
for an invasion of Brittany. A number of the most 
* Froissart, Liv. I., Part II,, p. 322. 



62 Bertrand du Guesclin. [1354- 

powerful of the French and Norman barons imme- 
diately entered into alliance with Edward III., 
which prompted him to undertake an invasion of 
France through Normandy with a formidable army. 
This expedition he placed under command of the 
Duke of Lancaster. The English forces, with those 
of the French and Norman malcontents, consti- 
tuted an army of about thirty thousand men of 
all arms. 

This force, with little opposition, robbed and pil- 
laged the country as far as Rouen. On arriving in 
this vicinity, the Duke of Lancaster learned that 
John had raised a powerful army, amounting to 
forty thousand troops, and was prepared to attack 
him. This led him to retreat to Cherbourg, as he 
was unable to meet so strong a force. 

The Duke of Lancaster regained his former start- 
ing-point on the 13th of July. John, under the 
advice of the leaders of his forces, abandoned the 
pursuit of the English and Navarrese, and invaded 
the possessions of the King of Navarre. He, with- 
out delay, besieged the city of Evreux, which was 
speedily taken. 

Immediately following this event, he invested the 
strong fortress of Breteuil, which, after an obstinate 
resistance, surrendered on the 15 th of August. 

At this point he learned of the movements of the 
Black Prince in Perigord, with the evident intention 
of forming a junction with the forces of the Duke of 
Lancaster. This John determined to prevent, and 
accordingly, taking the troops which he had at Bre- 
teuil, he sent orders to those of his leading nobles 
whom he could reach to join him as speedly as pos- 



1357] English Invasion of France. 63 

sible, with such forces as they could collect. This 
was accomplished, and large additions were made to 
his army. This forced the Black Prince to attempt 
a retreat into Guienne. He was unable to accom- 
plish this, as John had pushed rapidly forward, and, 
by crossing the river Vienne, had rendered his re- 
treat impossible. 

On the i6th of September, John had concen- 
trated an army of nearly fifty thousand men in the 
vicinity of Poitiers. He had, however, so conducted 
his march, that he was not aware of the exact loca- 
tion of the English army, and at this time, when he 
thought they were before him, they were in reality 
in his rear. The Black Prince, who had arrived at 
Chateaulerault on the evening of the 14th of Sep- 
tember, found himself barred on his left by the 
French army. He accordingly halted for two days, 
allowing the entire French army to pass him. Early 
on the morning of Saturday, the 17th, he moved 
forward and reached Chauvigny. His design was to 
leave the road leading from this point to Poitiers, 
and, by passing that city on his right, to avoid 
meeting the French army by passing to its left. 
To accomplish this, he abandoned much of his bag- 
gage in crossing the country ; but in this move he 
was frustrated by a meeting between a portion of 
his vanguard and the rear-guard of the army of John. 
This skirmish revealed the real position of the Eng- 
lish troops, and rendered a battle inevitable. 

The Black Prince hastened to take as favourable 
a position as possible for his army, which numbered 
about twelve thousand, the larger portion of which 
were bowmen and foot-soldiers, about one-third 



64 Bertrand du Guesclin. [1354- 

only being mounted men-at-arms.* The army of 
the French numbered nearly fifty thousand, the 
greater part of which was cavalry, comprising the 
flower of French chivalry. The Black Prince, aware 
of this fact, chose a position difficult of access by 
cavalry. Rough, precipitous in some parts, and 
crossed by many thick hedges, it was a position 
which offered great disadvantage to an attacking 
force of mounted men. 

In the selection of this site and the arrangement 
of his forces, he was guided by the advice and sug- 
gestions of Sir John Chandos, to whom he intrusted 
the general direction of the battle. His forces were 
arranged with two wings of bowmen and foot- 
soldiers, which stretched along the elevations on 
each side of a narrow defile or road, through which 
not more than four mounted men might pass 
abreast. Supporting these, on each side, were 
men-at-arms, behind whom were their horses, pro- 
tected by a line of waggons and baggage. 

John sent Sir Eustace de Ribeumont, with three 
other chevaliers, to reconnoitre the position and 
disposition of the army of the Black Prince, and to 
select the best point for attack, as well as to decide 
upon the formation for it. This reconnaissance 
must have been very superficially and imperfectly 
made, as De Ribeumont, on his return, reported in 

* Each man-at-arms added a number of mounted followers which 
varied at different periods. Under John II. of France each man-at- 
arms was accompanied by four followers, — two squires and two castil- 
liers. Later each had but three. The records of the States-General 
held at Blois in 1576, gave the King 3000 men-at-arms, making 1200 
horse. The men-at-arms were always gentlemen. 




BATTLE OF POITIERS. SEPT. 19, 1356. 

A. French Mounted Men-at-Arms. D. English Archers. 

B. French Dismounted Men-at-Arms. E. English Waggon Train. 

C. English Mounted Men-at-Arms. 



1357] English Invasion of France, 65 

favour of an attack along the narrow defile and by a 
body of chosen men-at-arms, supported by other 
troops. 

To this imperfect examination of the position of 
the English army, and the fatally erroneous plan of 
attack adopted, must be attributed, in large part, 
the disaster of the day. Had John been less confi- 
dent in the superiority of the numbers and character 
of his troops, and had he studied well the nature of 
the position chosen by the Black Prince in regard to 
its probable methods of defence, and had he gov- 
erned his disposition for the attack accordingly, the 
story of Poitiers, though it might still have been 
fatal to the fortunes of John, would be a far dif- 
ferent one. 

During the negotiations for the suspension of 
hostilities, which were conducted during Sunday, 
the 1 8th, the Black Prince strengthened his position 
by a ditch, and posted a force of bowmen and men- 
at-arms upon the eminence on his right, with which 
to strike the French in flank after the armies were 
engaged in front. 

On the morning of Monday, the 19th of Septem- 
ber, the battle was opened by the French in an 
attack by three hundred chosen men-at-arms, led 
by the Mar^chal John de Clermont and Sir Arnoul 
d'Audrehem, along the narrow defile. The English 
bowmen on each side of the pass maintained a 
heavy cross-fire upon the attacking column, which 
soon threw it into confusion. The supporting body 
of men-at-arms then advanced to the attack. The 
repulse of the French was complete. They retreated 
in disorder, leaving the Mar^chal de Clermont dead 



66 Bertrand du Guesclin. [1354- 

upon the field, and the Mar^chal d'Audrehem a 
prisoner in the hands of the English. 

At the same time the force posted upon the emi- 
nence to the right of the English position, attacking 
the French division commanded by the Dauphin 
Charles in flank, and throwing it into disorder, com- 
pelled it to retreat from the field. The English 
then mounted the horses which they had held in 
readiness, and charged upon the division led by 
John himself, which was now left to bear alone the 
brunt of the battle, the division led by the Due 
d' Orleans having retreated from the field. At this 
point John made the second fatal mistake of the 
day. 

Taking his position, he ordered his men-at-arms 
to dismount, and stationing beside himself Sir 
Geoffroi de Chargny bearing the Oriflamme,* he 
awaited the attack of the mounted English men-at- 
arms. By this injudicious move he sacrificed his 
greatest advantage in meeting the shock of the 
charge of the English. For an hour he struggled 
stubbornly to stem the tide of fate, while the bravest 
of his nobles were falling around him, and the heroic 
De Chargny lay slain beside him, still holding in his 

* The OriJlaf}tt?ie should not be confounded with the banner of the 
Fleur de lis. It is described as being of a red or flame colour, and 
split up from the bottom, which gave it a peculiar motion in waving 
in the wind. It had a gilded staff. It was a legend of the monks of 
Saint Denis that the oriflamme descended from heaven, and they 
guarded it with great solicitude. It was borne for the last time on 
the field of Azincourt, after which disaster the monks secreted it, 
fearing that it might fall into the hands of the English. It was hid- 
den in the treasury of Saint Denis. It appears in an inventory of 
that treasury in 1534, and is again mentioned as existing in 1549. — 
Froissart, Liv. I., Part II., p. 341, note, Buchon ed. 



1357] English Invasion of France. 67 

grasp the fallen Oriflamme. Left almost alone, he 
finally surrendered, and, with his youngest son, was 
led a prisoner to the camp of the Black Prince. 

Some writers have claimed that treachery or cow- 
ardice on the part of a portion of John's army was 
the cause of the disaster at Poitiers ; but a careful 
and unprejudiced review of conditions, precedent to 
and during the battle, leads us to conclude that the 
immediate causes of the disaster were the twofold 
errors committed by John. The first was an over- 
confidence in the superior number of his forces, 
and an imperfect comprehension of the position of 
the English, and consequently an erroneous plan of 
attack. This was his most serious failure. The 
second was the error of dismounting his cavalry to 
meet on foot, and clad in heavy and cumbersome 
armour, the counter-attack of the mounted English 
men-at-arms. 

That John was not lacking in personal courage, 
his stubborn fight to the last, when he had seen his 
supports give way on every side and his bravest 
knights slain around him, bears sufficient evidence. 
That the French chevaliers were not lacking in 
bravery is also shown by the large numbers who fell 
in the stubborn fight, with defeat staring them in 
the face. The contributing cause was a failure to 
accept the lesson afforded by the disasters at Crecy, 
at Saintes, and at Mauron, where a blind confidence 
in the personal bravery and prowess of mounted 
men-at-arms led to a neglect to employ a properly 
armed infantry, conjoined with tactical plans of bat- 
tle. In these engagements the importance of the 
English foot-soldiers was very manifest, yet the 



68 Bertrand du Guesclin. [1354- 

French clung tenaciously to former customs of war- 
fare by mounted men-at-arms alone. The English 
had developed the value of the long-bow, and their 
archers were a powerful addition to their fighting 
forces. The battle of Poitiers fully demonstrated 
that a body of bowmen and infantry, with a pro- 
portionate number of mounted men-at-arms, is 
superior to an equal force of mounted men-at-arms 
alone. 

The loss of the French in killed was very great, 
and their defeat was as signal as that of the ill- 
starred field of Cr6cy. After the battle, the Black 
Prince returned to Bordeaux, taking John with him 
as his prisoner, but treating him with courtesy and 
consideration. 

On the loth of August, 1356, after holding Charles 
de Blois a prisoner for nearly nine years, Edward 
signed the act giving him his freedom. This was 
executed at Westminster, and had been finally 
secured by the intercession of Innocent VI. On 
his part, it was agreed by Charles de Blois that he 
would pay seven hundred thousand florins within 
five years, and would leave his two sons, John and 
Guy, as hostages until such sum was paid. It was 
further agreed that he would deHver to Edward 
before the 27th of June, 1357, all documents rela- 
tive to a marriage proposed between John de Bre- 
tagne, oldest son of Charles de Blois, and one of the 
daughters of the King of England. Edward was 
already the guardian of the young Comte de Mont- 
fort, to whom he had affianced the princess Marie.* 

Three days before the signing of the treaty of 

* Luce, Hist, de Bert, du Guesclin, chap, viii., p, i86. 



1357] English Invasion of France. 69 

August loth, Charles de Blois was granted letters 
of safe-conduct for himself and a party of about 
forty persons. These important events occurred 
about one month before the battle of Poitiers. 
Charles de Blois landed at Treguier during the 
latter part of August, and joined his wife, Jeanne 
de Penthi^vre, at Guingamp. 

The affairs of De Blois were in a most depressing 
condition. The English at this time occupied the 
greater part of Northern and Western Brittany, and 
held such advanced fortresses in Eastern Brittany as 
Ploermel and Becherel ; and at the time of his return 
to his duchy, the Duke of Lancaster, with English 
forces, was in such position as to render it difficult 
for the King of France, his ally, to send troops 
to his aid. Some important fortresses were still 
held with strong garrisons by the King of France. 
Among these was Pontorson, which was still under 
command of Sir Pierre de Villiers, with whom Du 
Guesclin was associated. It is probable that the 
garrison of this important place was not summoned 
to join the King before the unfortunate disaster at 
Poitiers, and hence that Du Guesclin remained at 
Pontorson during that event. 

On the 3d of October the Duke of Lancaster laid 
siege to Rennes, which was held for Charles de 
Blois. Its governor was the Sire Penhoet, called Le 
Fort Boiteuse. He was one of the bravest of the 
commanders of Charles de Blois, and maintained a 
most obstinate resistance to every effort of the 
besiegers. 

The siege of Rennes was one of the most import- 
ant periods in the military history of Du Guesclin, 



7o Bertrand du Guesclin. [1354- 

and here for the first time he becomes a truly his- 
toric character. 

Every fortified town, such as Rennes, possessed a 
chateau or castle and walls or ramparts. Two mili- 
tary commanders existed in each, in consequence. 
One was the castellan, or governor, who commanded 
the fortress; and the other the captain, who had 
charge of the defensive walls. Penhoet was the 
castellan or governor of Rennes, and Bertrand de 
Saint Peru was captain of the town.* 

Charles the Dauphin had already sent one thou- 
sand men-at-arms and five hundred archers to aid 
the besieged, when Charles de Blois, who was for- 
bidden by his agreement with Edward to take any 
part in the struggle until his ransom was discharged, 
reached Paris to appeal for aid for the garrison of 
Rennes. 

In the latter part of November the army of relief 
had established its headquarters at Vitr6. A division 
of troops under Foulques de Laval, who had been 
appointed captain-general of these sections by the 
Dauphin, was sent to guard the frontiers of Maine 
and Anjou. Among those whose names appear 
among the men-at-arms were Hue de Kerantret, 
Mace Giffart, and Jean Raguenel, the chief of six- 
teen mounted archers, one of whom was Olivier du 
Guesclin, a younger brother of Bertrand. 

The wooded region between Pontorson, Dinan, 
Foug^res, and Rennes was the theatre of the opera- 
tions of Du Guesclin against the English. At the 
time of the siege of Rennes he was unable to reach 
that city with his forces before the Duke of Lan- 

* Luce, chap, vii., p. 190. 



1357] English Invasion of France. 71 

caster had made the investment complete. He 
therefore occupied himself with incessant attacks 
upon the forces of the English from unexpected 
quarters, and harassed them in every way. This 
led the Duke to seek to ascertain who, by such daring 
and bravery, was the cause of so much annoyance. 

During the months of January and February, 
1357, the Duke of Lancaster laid siege to Dinan, 
since it was the route which the French forces, sent 
to the aid of Rennes, most easily followed. The 
town was poorly prepared to withstand a siege, and 
through its governor concluded a truce with the 
commander of the English forces, agreeing to sur- 
render the town if not relieved by a date fixed. 

During this suspension of hostilities, Olivier du 
Guesclin was riding unarmed in the country near 
the town, when he was met by Sir Thomas Canter- 
bury of the English forces, and made a prisoner by 
him. He led him to his camp, and demanded a ran- 
som of one thousand florins. Bertrand du Guesclin 
learned of this breach of the truce while he was in 
camp between Pontorson and Dinan. He imme- 
diately mounted his horse and repaired to the tent 
of the Duke of Lancaster, where he found the 
prince playing a game of draughts. To the offer of 
a glass of wine by the prince, Du Guesclin replied, 

I will not drink until justice shall have been 
done." He then explained the cause of his dis- 
pleasure, and accused Sir Thomas Canterbury of 
violating the treaty by the arrest of his brother 
Olivier. The Duke of Lancaster immediately sum- 
moned Canterbury before him, and said, " Here is 
Du Guesclin, who states, that, in spite of the truce, 



72 Bertra7id du Guesclin. [1354- 

you have this day made his brother a prisoner, and 
have demanded a ransom. What have you to 
say ? ' ' 

" Sire," replied Canterbury, regarding Du Gues- 
clin with a haughty air, " if this Bertrand, whom I 
see here, pretends to maintain that I have done 
anything for which I should be censured, and which 
a true chevalier should not do, here is my gage : I 
am ready to prove my right on the field of battle, 
body to body, on equal terms." 

Du Guesclin, without replying, took up the gage, 
and then said, as he held the gage in his hand, 

False chevalier! your defiance I accept, and be- 
fore these lords I will fight you before night shall 
fall. False chevalier, traitor ! you shall bite the dust 
before these lords, or I will die of shame. ' ' 

" I will not fail you, do not fear," replied Canter- 
bury, " I will not sleep until I shall have fought 
you." "And I," replied Du Guesclin, " swear by 
the Holy Trinity that I will eat but three sops of 
wine* before I shall be armed." 

I will see you well equipped," said one of the 
chevaliers f among the followers of the Duke of 
Lancaster, " and will lend you my best destrier, % 
for I wish to see the trial between you." 

The tidings of the combat were soon spread 
through the beleaguered town. All most earnestly 



* Three pieces of bread soaked in wine. 

f Sir John Chandos. 

\ Destrier^ a large war-horse, so called from being led by the right 
hand of one of the squires accompanying the chevalier ; another bore 
his bacinet an iron helmet or casque of basin shape (hence its name), 
and another his shield. — Sainte Palaye. 



1357] English Invasion of France. 73 

desired the success of Du Guesclin, and the citizens 
were extremely anxious as to the result. 

Among the dames of Dinan was one who ven- 
tured to predict success for Du Guesclin. Tiphaine 
Raguenel, daughter of Sir Robert Raguenel and 
Jeanne de Dinan, Vicomtesse de la Belliere, was she 
who prophesied the success of Bertrand. She was 
then in her twenty-fourth year, and was distin- 
guished for her beauty and attainments as well as 
for her birth. She was " the wisest and best in- 
structed person in that whole country, and was 
learned in astronomy and philosophy."* 

In common with the women oi her country and 
time, she was keenly alive to the glory of the chiv- 
alry of the period; and a brave chevalier, though 
plain in person, might justly attract her attention 
and admiration. 

The lists were erected in the market-place of 
Dinan, and at the appointed time the Duke of 
Lancaster was present with twenty chevaliers of his 
followers. Sir Robert Knolles f and Thomas de 
Grandson endeavoured to persuade Du Guesclin to 
accept the release of his brother without ransom. 
This he declined to do, and indignantly demanded 
that Canterbury should keep his word. 

* Cuvelhier, v. 2326. 

\ He was a member of an English family of Cheshire. He took 
part in the wars in France on the side of the English, and obtained 
considerable possessions in Guyenne. In that section the family was 
called Canolle. He was one of the participants in the " Battle of the 
Thirty," on the side of the English. The latter years of his life were 
spent in England, where he is said to have died at Norfolk, at the 
age of ninety years, on the 15th of August, 1407, and was buried at 
Whitefriars in London, 



74 Bertrand du Guesclin. [1354- 

At the first onset the two opponents met with 
such fierceness that their lances were sphntered. 
Drawing their swords they fought until Canterbury, 
missing a stroke at his opponent's head, dropped his 
sword from his hand. Du Guesclin, leaping from 
his horse, threw the sword outside the lists, and 
called upon Canterbury to dismount and fight on 
foot. This he declined to do. Du Guesclin then 
hastily removed the armour from his legs, in order 
to allow of freer motion. Scarcely had he accom- 
plished this, when Canterbury attempted to ride him 
down. Slipping aside, he thrust his sword into the 
flank of Canterbury's horse as he passed, Avhich 
caused him to swerve violently and fall, bearing his 
rider to the ground. 

Du Guesclin was upon him in an instant, and, tear- 
ing the bacinet from his head, struck him upon the 
head and face with such violence with his iron 
gauntlets, that Canterbury was soon blinded by his 
own blood. The governor of Dinan and other 
chevaliers interposed in behalf of the fallen knight, 
saying, " Friend Bertrand, you have done enough, 
the day and honour are yours." 

" Fair Sire," replied Du Guesclin, " by the faith 
which I owe to God, the judge, either he shall 
surrender as my prisoner, as he has held my brother 
Olivier, or I will kill him upon this field." 

" Bertrand," exclaimed Sir Robert Knolles," yield 
your champion to the Duke of Lancaster, who will 
appreciate the favour. You have done enough, he 
is at your mercy." 

" I yield to your request," replied Bertrand, and 
accordingly approaching the Duke, and bending his 



1357] English Invasion of France. 75 

knee, he said : " Noble Duke, I beg and entreat you 
not to blame me if I had killed this murderer. Had 
it not been for regard for you, I would have killed 
him." " He deserves nothing better," replied the 
Duke, smiling. " Your brother Olivier shall be 
freed and he shall have a thousand livres with 
which to equip himself. You shall have the arms of 
the fallen chevalier, and his horse also. As for him, 
he shall never again appear at my court, for traitors 
are not admitted there. ' ' 

The Duke of Lancaster, after having drunk wine 
offered him in honour of the affair, returned to his 
camp. The fortunate issue of this adventure added 
greatly to the renown of Du Guesclin. Soon after 
this event, the succour promised by the Dauphin 
Charles having arrived, the Duke of Lancaster 
withdrew his troops, and concentrated his efforts 
upon the siege of Rennes. Every attempt on the 
part of the Duke to take the town by assault failed, 
and he finally decided to invest the place so closely 
as to compel its surrender by starvation. 

Unable to gain entry to the town with his forces, 
Du Guesclin was indefatigable in his efforts to harass 
the English. Keeping the closest watch upon all 
their movements, he cut off their foraging parties, 
intercepted their supply trains, captured their scouts, 
and attacked them constantly. These skirmishes 
were planned for unexpected times and places, and 
often in night attacks he burned portions of their 
camp. So annoyed was the Duke of Lancaster by 
his want of success, that he vowed that he would 
never depart from before Rennes until his banner 
should have floated upon its ramparts. 



76 Bertrand du Guesclin. [1354- 

Finally, in the failure of his assaults, he decided 
to have recourse to a mine.* The governor of 
Rennes, suspecting this resort, instructed the people 
living near the ramparts to suspend small vessels of 
copper upon the walls of the lower portion of their 
houses. The vibrations of these vessels disclosed 
the site of the operations, and the garrison was 
enabled to countermine. Piercing the gallery, sev- 
eral men-at-arms entered it, killed a number of the 
English miners, and destroyed their work. 

The Duke of Lancaster was greatly irritated by 
this failure, and attempted through a stratagem to 
draw the garrison out of their barriers. Knowing 
that they were suffering for meat, he caused a herd 
of swine to be driven out into the plain, before the 
walls, and to the borders of the ditches, thinking that 
the garrison would come out to secure so rich a 
prize. The governor, Penhoet, however, suspected 
his design, and prevented the garrison from attempt- 
ing to capture them. He ordered a sow to be hung 
up by the feet near one of the gates of the town, 
facing the plain upon which the swine of the Duke 
of Lancaster were gathered. At the same time 
the drawbridge was lowered. The sow, when hung 
up, squealed so vigorously that all the herd of 
swine beyond the ditch immediately ran upon the 
bridge where the sow was tied. She was released, 
and ran into the town, followed by the entire herd. 
The bridge was then raised, and the attempt to draw 
out the garrison failed. 

* Mining at that time differed from that of the present. It con- 
sisted in undermining the walls, which were supported by pieces of 
wood, called nierins, which were set on fire, and in collapsing 
allowed the walls or tower to fall with them. 



1357] English Invasion of France, 77 

The scarcity of provisions becoming very pressing, 
the governor decided to send a message to Charles 
de Blois, who was at Nantes, to urge the sending of 
immediate aid. This was almost an impossibility 
on account of the close investment maintained by 
the forces of the Duke of Lancaster. It was 
planned that a citizen who volunteered, and whose 
family was suffering for food, should make the at- 
tempt. Leaving the barriers, and pretending that 
he was a deserter, he was pursued by the garrison 
as far as the English outposts. Here he was cap- 
tured, and taken before the Duke of Lancaster. He 
stated that the besieged were on the point of starva- 
tion, but that they had received tidings that on the 
morrow, four or five thousand Germans, auxiliaries 
of the King of France, were to arrive by a certain 
route. At the same time, the inhabitants of the 
city rang the bells, sounded musical instruments, and 
made other demonstrations of apparent rejoicing. 

The Duke was completely deceived, and started 
in haste, with the greater part of his forces, in the 
direction indicated by the assumed deserter, as that 
from which the pretended succour was to arrive. 
Meanwhile the messenger escaped on the same 
night, and hastened toward Nantes. He soon fell 
into the hands of Du Guesclin's forces, and told his 
story. Learning that the Duke had gone to seek 
an imaginary foe, Du Guesclin immediately attacked 
his camp, setting the tents on fire, and capturing a 
large quantity of provisions and supplies. Forcing 
the English lines, he entered the city of Rennes. 
Among his captures were one hundred waggons, 
loaded with salted meats, wine, and other supplies. 



78 Bertrand dtt Guesclin. [1354- 

After having unloaded them in the city, he paid 
the cartmen for their provisions which he had taken, 
and sent them, with their waggons and horses, to 
the Duke of Lancaster, with a courteous assurance 
that he would visit him when occasion offered.* 

His entry into the city caused great rejoicing, and 
the garrison and citizens gave him an enthusiastic 
reception. Within the city he found his cousin, 
Olivier de Mauny, and also the aunt with whom he 
had taken refuge when he left his home in his 
boyhood. 

The Duke of Lancaster soon found that he had 
been made the victim of a ruse, and, on his return 
from his unprofitable expedition, was so impressed 
with the genius of Du GuescHn, that he sent him an 
invitation, through his own herald, to visit his camp 
with four attendants, under a safe-conduct. The 
invitation was accepted by Du Guesclin, who made 
the herald a handsome present, and immediately 
visited the camp of the Duke, by whom he was cor- 
dially received, and who accosted him as follows f : — 

" You are welcome, Bertrand; I knew well that 
you would accept my invitation." 

Sire," replied Bertrand, " I am always ready to 
comply with your requests, tending toward the 
establishment of peace with the lord whom I serve, 
and as fully as you may desire." 

" And who is your lord ? " inquired the Duke. 

" Sire," repHed Bertrand, " you know full well: 

* " A vous se recommand et i ceulx par dessa, 
Et dit c'est vo voisins qui veoir vous venra." 

Cuvelhier, vv. 1528, 1529. 
f Cuvelhier, vv, 1627-1665. 



1357] English Invasion of France. 79 

it is the Duke, Charles de Blois, who holds Brittany 
by right of Madame, his wife." 

The Duke replied, " One hundred thousand men 
will be killed before he shall possess it." 

** Sire," sajd Bertrand, " a number will be slain, 
but the mbre.will remain for those who survive." 

A 

This reply pleased the Duke, who at once said to 
him, " Bertrand, will you not join my service ? It 
will be greatly to your advantage, and in me you 
will find a true friend. I will grant you lands and 
whatever you may desire. 

" Sire," replied Bertrand, " by my faith, you 
would hold me a traitor and your mortal enemy, 
were I sworn to you and then went to serve an- 
other. God forbid that I should commit such a 
fault ! but, if peace were established between you 
and my lord, I would willingly serve you." 

This reply greatly pleased the Duke, and raised 
Du Guesclin in the esteem in which he already held 
him. Wine and refreshments were now served. 
Among the knights in attendance upon the Duke 
was Sir William Brambourg, brother of the com- 
mander of the Castle of Forgeray, which Du Gues- 
clin had captured. He addressed him, and proffered 
him a challenge for three thrusts with the lance. 

" Good sir," replied Bertrand, as he offered his 
hand to the Englishman, " by my honour, I will 
not fail you. I call God to witness that you shall 
have six if necessary ! " 

The Duke of Lancaster gave his consent, and the 
morrow was fixed for the meeting, and the battle- 
field chosen was the space between the English 
camp and the ditch of the city of Rennes. The 



8o Bertrand du Guesclin. [1354- 

Duke of Lancaster, not wishing to be behind Du 
Guesclin in generosity, which he had shown in the 
present made to the Duke's herald, presented him 
with a fine war-horse. In accepting it, Bertrand 
repHed, " Until to-day I have met neither duke, 
count, nor prince who has given me the value of a 
denier; if I have gained anything, it is with the 
point of my sword ; but, since you deign to present 
me with so fine a horse, I will prove him before you 
to-morrow." He then returned to Rennes, 

The commandant, learning of the engagement 
appointed for the next day, feared some treachery, 
and endeavoured to dissuade Du Guesclin from 
keeping the meeting; but he replied that he had 
given his word, and could not beHeve that the Duke 
would fail in his, and that he had full confidence 
that God would maintain the right. 

Early on the following morning Du Guesclin put 
on an undershirt, buttoned up, and a haubergeon 
or coat of mail, and over all a stout jacket. The 
governor of Rennes offered him a steel breastplate, 
which he refused. A lance and a solid shield com- 
pleted his equipment. He attended mass at the 
church, and, after having taken a cup of wine, 
mounted his horse and went to the place of meet- 
ing. On his way he met his aunt, who with tears 
besought him not to expose himself to the treach- 
ery of the English. To her Bertrand replied gaily, 
" Go home, kiss your husband, and prepare dinner, 
for, please God, if my champion is ready, I will 
return before you have had time to light your fire." 

The whole city of Rennes was aroused to view 
the contest, and the people lined the walls and bat- 



1357] English Invasion of France. 8i 

tlements in order to watch their champion. The 
Duke of Lancaster, with the Earl of Pembroke, 
kept the field, and warned all, by proclamation of 
the herald, that no one should aid either combatant, 
nor approach nearer than the length of twenty 
lances. 

Upon the signal, each took his shield and lance 
and spurred fiercely against the other. At the first 
thrust, Du Guesclin struck the shield of his oppo- 
nent, and, the point of his lance glancing, pierced 
Brambourg's coat of mail on his side without inflict- 
ing a wound, while his lance struck the helmet of 
Bertrand without any result. Two more passes 
were made, when Du Guesclin, halting before his 
opponent, said: " Brambourg, are you satisfied? 
Out of regard for the Duke, whose guest I am, I 
have spared you until the present, but I promise 
you nothing if you desire more." ** Let us pro- 
ceed," replied Brambourg sullenly. 

Returning to the charge with greater impetu- 
osity than before, Du Guesclin, at the first thrust, 
struck his adversary's shield just below the blazon, 
and, penetrating it and his coat of mail, the lance 
point entered his body, throwing him from his horse 
half dead. " I trust that you have had the worth 
of your money!" cried Du Guesclin to the van- 
quished. " If I had not spared you, out of regard 
for the Duke of Lancaster, you should not have 
fared so easily." 

The Duke of Lancaster hastened to extend his 
congratulations to Du Guesclin, who, having made a 
present of the horse of the vanquished knight to one 
of the Duke's heralds, returned to Rennes, where 



82 Bertrand du Guesclin. [1354- 

he received the felicitations of the populace, and 
attended the banquet given in his honour. 

On the afternoon of the day of this encounter, 
the Duke of Lancaster made an assault upon the 
walls by means of a " belfry," or tower,* which he 
had constructed. The assault was interrupted by 
the coming of night. The belfry was left in its 
position near the walls, with a number of men-at- 
arms and archers remaining to guard it, with the 
intention of recommencing the assault at daybreak 
on the following morning. Du Guesclin, however, 
provided a disappointment for the besiegers. Tak- 
ing advantage of the darkness of the night, he, with 
the governor of the city and five hundred cross-bow 
men, made a sortie and attacked the tower, setting 
it on fire. In a short time the great structure was 
destroyed by the flames. 

The added prestige of Du Guesclin's victory over 
Brambourg led other English knights to seek an 
encounter with him. 

Froissart f has given the history of a number in 
which the Breton warrior took part during the siege. 

The siege of Rennes, which had been so pro- 
longed by the obstinate resistance of its garrison 
and the consequent failure of his every effort to 
capture the city, led the Duke of Lancaster to 
desire to raise the siege. This, however, he hesi- 

* The " belfry " was a square tower, usually three stories in height, 
and composed of timbers. It was covered upon the outside with 
boards, hides, or even with plates of iron, thus affording protection to 
those within. It was constructed so as to be moved upon rollers near 
to or against the walls of a fortress, which it overtopped. It usually 
afforded room inside for about one hundred and fifty men. 

f Froissart, Buchon ed., Liv. I., Part II., chap. Ivii., p. 369. 



1357] English Invasion of France, 83 

tated to do on account of the oath which he had 
taken never to leave the city until his banner should 
have floated upon its walls. An order received 
from Edward III., dated April 28, 1357, directed 
him to raise the siege forthwith. Du Guesclin, 
knowing of the oath which the Duke had taken, led 
the chevaliers and authorities of the town to con- 
sent that the Duke might enter the city with ten 
attendants, and place his banner over the entrance 
gate, provided he would then abandon the siege. 
This was agreed to, and three days afterwards the 
Duke entered the town. In preparation for this 
event, Du Guesclin had directed that every man 
should be armed and appear in the street, and that 
the shops should display in their windows meat, 
bread, and provisions. On entering the city the 
Duke was impressed with the apparent number of 
the garrison and the abundance of food displayed. 

After placing his banner upon the walls, he par- 
took of wine and left the city. His banner was im- 
mediately torn down by the citizens. Raising the 
siege on the 3d of July, he withdrew with his forces 
to Auray, where he joined the Comte de Montfort. 

The heroic resistance of the garrison of Rennes 
was a consolation to the people of France in the 
deep depression which followed the disaster at 
Poitiers. The reputation which Du Guesclin had 
achieved by his prowess and genius had extended 
throughout France, and the fame of the Breton 
warrior had become a matter of national interest. 

As soon as Charles de Blois learned of the suc- 
cessful defence of Rennes and the raising of the 
siege by the Duke of Lancaster, he repaired to that 



84 Bertrand du Guesclin. [1354- 

city in order to express his gratitude to its governor 
and its garrison. To Du Guesclin he showed his 
appreciation of the distinguished service which he 
had rendered, by granting to him the lordship of 
Roche Derrien in the county of Penthi^vre.* 

An incident referred by many historians to this 
period, and by others to events immediately follow- 
ing the affair at Montmuran, displays the prowess 
and skill of Du Guesclin, even in adverse conditions. 
Whatever may have been the date, whether in 
1354, when Sir Arnoul d'Audrehem was in com- 
mand at Pontorson, as claimed by Luce,f or in 
1357, at the termination of the siege of Rennes, as 
held by d'Argentr^, :j: all agree upon the details of 
the affair. 

Among the prisoners taken by Du Guesclin at 
Montmuran was a near relative of Sir William 
Troussel, an English knight of distinction. Trous- 
sel sent to him a letter, in which he requested that 
he be allowed to become the surety for his relative, 
and that the latter be set free. Du Guesclin de- 
clined to grant the request, whereupon Troussel 
challenged him to a combat with two strokes of the 
sword and three courses of the lance. Du Guesclin 
accepted the defiance, on condition that the van- 
quished should pay the sum of one hundred golden 
crowns for a banquet for those who were present at 
the combat. A day was appointed, and Pontorson 
was the place selected for the meeting. 

*Cuvelhier, Part I., v. 2015. Luce, in his history (chap, viii., 
p. 228), questions this statement of Cuvelhier as to the gift of Roche 
Derrien at this time. 

f Luce, Hist, de Bert, du Guesclin, p. 131. 

X D'Argentre, Hist, de Bretagne (ed. 1618), p. 409. 



1357] English Invasion of France. 85 

Troussel was at that time in the service of the 
Duke of Lancaster. Well aware of the prowess of 
Du Guesclin, the Duke endeavoured to dissuade his 
followers from the risk of such a meeting, and, hav- 
ing heard that Du Guesclin was then suffering from 
a fever, he urged that it would be no honour to 
contend with a man who was ill. Troussel accord- 
ingly sent word to Du Guesclin, that, learning of 
his illness, he would wait until his recovery. To 
this message Du Guesclin sent this reply: " He 
that has challenged me need make no more excuses 
for me than I make for myself: just as I am I will 
measure myself against my antagonist. It is dis- 
honourable for a challenger to withdraw his gage 
without striking a blow. Let Messire William keep 
his appointment ! as for me, I am determined to 
keep mine ; I will be at the place of meeting and 
will fight him." 

On the day appointed Troussel was at Pontorson, 
accompanied by his squire. He rode into the lists 
mounted on a fine war-horse. Du Guesclin also 
entered the lists accompanied by his squire. He 
was pale, and appeared weak from the effects of the 
fever, which caused his friends much apprehension. 

The combatants immediately faced each other, 
and dashed forward to the attack. At the first pass 
Troussel dealt so powerful a blow upon the saddle- 
bow of Du Guesclin as to cause him to lose his seat 
in the saddle. This he quickly regained, and, after 
the two strokes with the sword, they took their 
lances. Du Guesclin, under the stimulus of the 
strife, seemed to have regained his wonted skill 
and strength, and at the first thrust sent his antag- 



86 



Bertrand du Guesclin. 



[1354-57 



onist to the ground, pierced through the shoulder, 
which compelled him to acknowledge himself van- 
quished. 

At the close of the engagement the squires of 
the two combatants entered into a contest, in which 
that of Du Guesclin was victorious. 





CHAPTER V. 

THE DAUPHIN AND THE STATES-GENERAL. 

1357-1359- 

The Dauphin and the States-General — Origin and power of the States- 
General — The treaty of Bordeaux — Conspiracy of Etienne Marcel 
— Intrigues of Charles the Bad — " The Jacquerie " — The siege 
of Melun — Bravery of Du Guesclin. 

DURING the interval in which these events were 
transpiring in the province of Brittany, the 
Dauphin Charles was struggling with the difficulties 
surrounding the administration of the government, 
which the imprisonment of his father had placed in 
his hands. 

Barely twenty years of age at this time, his youth 
and inexperience rendered him incapable of coping 
with the animosities of the nobles and the dissatis- 
faction of a large part of the people, which had been 
aroused previous to the disaster of Poitiers by the 
harsh and unjust measures of his father. 

The reverse at Poitiers had almost destroyed the 
ruling powers of France. The continued misfor- 
tunes of the Kingj together with his ill-judged pol- 
icy, had so divided the sentiment of the nobility as 

87 



88 Bertrand du Guesclin. [1357- 

to prove a source of discouragement to those who 
still remained loyal to him. 

On the 15th of October, 1356, the States-General 
had been convened at Paris to consider the existing 
state of affairs, and propose measures for the conduct 
of the government. 

The first provision necessary was to establish a 
stable government during the imprisonment of King 
John, and until he should return. Another equally 
important question was the redress of certain alleged 
grievances. The first question was met by the 
appointment of twelve members from each of the 
three estates, which body was granted full power to 
decide and arrange all questions of state. In the 
selection of this body of Deputies, no attention was 
paid to the wishes of the Dauphin ; and the trusted 
counsellors of King John were not included in the 
number. 

After a prolonged conference, the States-General 
decided to grant a subsidy.* This reluctant grant 
was accompanied by demands for the correction of 
certain abuses which were charged to the policy of 
King John, — the liberation of Charles of Navarre, 
whom they declared had been unjustly imprisoned ; 
and that the Dauphin should consent to be con- 
trolled by the committee of Deputies chosen. 

As the combination was one hostile to himself, as 
well as to his father, and virtually deprived him of 
all autonomy, he closed the convention on the 2d 
of November, and directed the Deputies to return 
to their homes. 

Failing to secure the desired grant from the 
* Froissart, Liv. I., Part II., p. 363. 



1359] The Dauphin and the States-General. 89 

States-General, the Dauphin endeavoured to secure 
needed pecuniary assistance by the issue of a de- 
based currency. Failing in this, on account of vio- 
lent opposition, he was compelled to summon a 
convention of the States-General on the 3d of 
March, 1357. 

Unable to meet and overcome any of the demands 
of the Deputies, the Dauphin was obliged to accede 
to their wishes, and grant their demands for reform, 
and also to liberate Charles of Navarre. In all of 
these, especially the latter, the efforts of Etienne 
Marcel, Mayor of Paris, were conspicuous. The 
States-General had gained a signal victory over the 
Crown in curtailing its privileges and lessening its 
prestige. 

Much discussion has arisen as to the origin of the 
States-General. There have been many attempts to 
connect the assemblies of the days of Charlemagne 
with those of the early part of the seventeenth cen- 
tury. Between them there appears to exist an 
irreconcilable difference. The States-General seem 
to have been established in the twelfth and thir- 
teenth centuries, when the cities had gained so 
much in wealth and power that the presence of their 
representatives was desired in royal council. Re- 
ceiving their charters in large part from the King, 
he assumed the right to summon them in council in 
time of need. The nobles, the clergy, and the 
burghers constituted what was known as "the three 
estates." 

Nothing could be published as the opinion of the 
whole, unless all of the three orders had concurred 
in its adoption. The regulation and levying of 



90 Bertrand du Guesclin. [1357- 

taxes, as well as their collection, was one of the 
recognised rights of the States-General. 

Their convocation was, however, irregular and 
infrequent, and consequently there was no steady 
and continuous development of their powers. They 
failed to become a legislative body through their 
neglect to secure and maintain the right to regulate 
all revenue. They were usually convened when a 
special impost or levy was required, and the sove- 
reign desired their support and consent in securing 
the aid which he needed. 

Another fact which tended to limit the power 
and influence of the States-General was the position 
of the nobility. It was simply a caste. The high 
development of the feudal system in France placed 
the princes in a position of almost entire independ- 
ence of the King. In their own provinces they were 
nearly autocratic. This prevented the nobles and 
commoners from uniting in political affairs. The 
nobles strove to maintain their authority over their 
own subjects, and also to curb the growth of the 
power of their neighbours. This led to the oppres- 
sion of the common people. The clergy, bound by 
much the same traditions of caste as the nobility, 
had little sympathy with the commoners, and usually 
united with the nobles against them. 

John, who was still at Bordeaux, hearing of the 
action of the States-General, was much incensed at 
their impeachment of his most trusted counsellors 
and their usurpation of the royal privileges. He 
accordingly sent an order, to be published at Paris, 
forbidding the levying of the subsidy granted, and 
also prohibiting the convocation of the States- 



1359] The Dauphin and the States-General. 91 

General upon the date which they had appointed 
for another assembly. 

This royal edict was received at Paris, and was 
the cause of great excitement. The enemies of the 
King, and those hostile to the Dauphin, united in 
fomenting the existing discontent and discord. In 
all of this opposition, the Dauphin found in Etienne 
Marcel a most subtle and persistent enemy, who, in 
league with Robert le Coq, Bishop of Laon, was a 
willing tool of Charles of Navarre in his treacherous 
schemes. 

It is evident that Charles of Navarre had cher- 
ished the hope of appropriating for himself the 
crown of France through the aid of the corrupt 
agents whom he had interested in his cause, among 
those influential in the affairs of France. A careful 
review of the leading events of the period immedi- 
ately subsequent to his release from imprisonment 
indicates that he proposed, by uniting the oppo- 
nents of the Dauphin and fomenting further dis- 
cords among the people, to obtain possession of 
Paris and of the government. This latter he hoped 
to accomplish the more surely by a treaty with 
Edward III., whose aid he expected to gain by 
granting such concessions of territory and sove- 
reignty in France as he might be compelled to 
yield. 

Edward, on his part, since the victory of Poitiers, 
had been dominated by one controlling desire, and 
that was to possess himself of certain of the fairest 
portions of France, and at the same time to extort 
from John the largest possible sum for his freedom. 
This was undoubtedly the motive which induced 



92 B er fraud du Gttesclin. [1357- 

him to sign the treaty of Bordeaux, on the 23d of 
March, 1357, by which he bound himself to refrain 
from any hostilities until April 21, 1359. Early in 
1358, some of the preliminary measures for peace 
were arranged between him and his prisoner. These, 
however, were not ratified at Paris. 

This condition of affairs led to an open breach 
between Etienne Marcel and the Dauphin Charles. 

At the same time Charles the Bad of Navarre, 
supported by a strong faction in Paris and by the 
Bishop of Laon, entered into negotiations with 
Edward III., by which the introduction of English 
troops into Paris, under various pretexts, should be 
secured. While aspiring to the crown of France 
himself, Charles the Bad did not fail to recognise 
Edward's ambition in the same direction, and, with 
the treacherous duplicity for which he was famous, 
apparently lent his aid to Edward, while he covertly 
planned to turn the whole procedure to his own 
ends and benefit. He accordingly negotiated a 
secret treaty with Edward, by which the dismem- 
berment of France and its partition between them 
should be accomplished. 

The death of Marcel on the 31st of July, 1358, 
as the result of his own treacherous schemes, re- 
moved an important actor in the proposed drama, 
and forced a more open declaration of the intention 
of the English to make common cause with Charles 
the Bad against the Dauphin. 

The occurrence at this time of what is known as 
the " Insurrection of the Jacquerie " introduced a 
startling element into affairs. 

This was an uprising aimed against the nobility, 



1359] The Dauphin and the States- General. 93 

and was led by one Jacques Bonhomme (James 
Goodman). This insurrection was mainly partici- 
pated in by the lowest and most ignorant orders of 
society. The ravages committed were not confined 
to any class, but were equally violent and destruc- 
tive among all conditions of society.* Like all 
movements of a similar character by an ignorant 
populace, the effort was a failure, and those con- 
cerned in it were dispersed by the organised effort 
of the intelligent classes. Its end was hastened by 
its excesses, which united the better elements of 
society in suppressing it. 

The efforts of Charles the Bad to harass and defy 
the Dauphin were seconded and aided by the Eng- 
lish, and led to the laying waste of many sections, 
and the pillaging and capture of towns and im- 
portant castles belonging to the King of France. 
This condition favoured the rapid development and 
extension of bands of marauders, largely composed 
of English men-at-arms, and known as the " Free 
Companies." Of these special mention will be 
made elsewhere. 

Longing to end the ills with which his kingdom 
was oppressed, and desiring to gain his own free- 
dom, John IL signed a treaty at London, on the 
24th of March, 1359, which was in every respect 
most disastrous to France. By its provisions, in 
addition to a payment of four millions of ecus f of 
gold, or three millions of francs, he ceded to Ed- 
ward IIL Normandy, Saintonge, Perigord, Agenais, 
Limousin, Bigorre, Guines, Ponthieu, Quercy, 

* Froissart, Liv. I., Part II., pp. 375, 376. 

f A coin established by Philippe de Valois in 1349. 



94 Bertrand du Guesclin. [1357- 

Poitou, Maine, Anjou, Touraine, Boulogne, and 
the suzerainty of Brittany, or nearly one half of 
his kingdom.* 

On the 19th of May the Dauphin summoned a 
convocation of the States-General to which to sub- 
mit the treaty. A comparatively small number of 
Deputies responded, partly from disaffection, but 
mainly from fear, since all the principal routes to 
Paris lay near to some of the strongholds which 
were held by garrisons of the English or Navarrese. 
Before those who met in assembly the treaty was 
read, and was received with extreme indignation 
and anger. 

The Assembly declared that it was neither accept- 
able nor feasible, and that the only reply to such 
propositions was to declare war upon the English. 
The refusal of the Dauphin and the States-General 
to ratify this treaty excited Edward's anger to the 
highest pitch. He immediately determined to in- 
vade France at the head of a powerful army. He 
was, however, compelled to wait three months for 
the expiration of the truce, which he had granted 
to John at the time of signing his articles of 
ransom. 

In the meantime the Dauphin was most active in 
preparing for the events which he foresaw must oc- 
cur, and which would bear so heavily upon France. 
He sought to induce Vladimir HI. of Denmark to 
undertake an expedition into England, and strove 
to institute in all parts of his kingdom active prepa- 
ration for defence. The States-General entered 

* Commines, Hist, de Charles le Mauv,, Part I., p. 390 ; M. Du- 
pont, Jiev. Anglo-Fran^., vol. i., p. 388. 



1359] The Dauphin and the States-General. 95 

into these efforts at preparation with zeal. The 
nobles, the clergy, and even the peasantry, took up 
the work with earnestness. 

In this connection an interesting fact has been 
noted regarding the enthusiasm and patriotism of 
the serfs or bondmen. In a little brochure,* the 
success obtained by Guillaume Alone, himself a 
bondman, in bringing the members of this class 
into a form to constitute an effective part of the 
fighting force, is very clearly given. 

The possibility of employing this portion of the 
peasantry as a part of the military force of the 
country was early held by Du Guesclin in opposition 
to the opinion of the greater part of his contempo- 
raries. His early life had led him to recognise the 
traits of this class. Their occupation necessarily 
developed strength, endurance, and courage, and at 
the outset of his career he chose men from this class 
as his scouts and skirmishers. 

The Dauphin was now twenty-three years of age, 
but his character was such that it enabled him to 
overlook his resentment and personal animosities, 
and devote his entire energies to the pressing duties 
before him. He felt that it was of primary import- 
ance that his capital should be made secure. To 
insure this, he, on the ist of June, appointed Reg- 
nault de Gouillons, a chevalier of ability and bravery, 
to be Captain-General of Paris, conferring upon him 
full and independent military powers in the territory 
over which he was given command. 

It was not only necessary to place Paris in a con- 
dition of defence, but also to insure its communi- 

* Guillaume Alone, par S. Luce, 1875. 



g6 Bertrand du Guesclin. [1357- 

cations, and prevent any possibility of cutting off its 
supplies. This was specially important, as the Eng- 
lish had control of the department of Marne and 
Oise, while Melun, Poissy, Meulan, and Nantes 
were under control of the Navarrese. The posses- 
sion of Melun by a hostile force was a special source 
of apprehension. The followers of Navarre, hold- 
ing that portion of this town situated on the left 
bank of the Seine, controlled all approaches from 
the upper Seine, as well as threatened the mills 
from which the flour for the city was obtained. 

Charles the Dauphin still held that part of Melun 
on the river, and determined to recapture the por- 
tion upon the opposite bank, held by the Navarrese. 
Accordingly, on the i8th of June, he besieged the 
Chateau with a strong force. The garrison was 
commanded by two redoubtable captains, — Martin 
Enriquez (de Navarre) and the Bascon de Mareuil. 

Three queens resided in this Chateau, — Jeanne 
d'Evreux, widow of Charles the Fair; Blanche de 
Navarre, widow of Philippe de Valois (the one the 
aunt, the second the sister, of the King of Navarre) ; 
and finally Jeanne de France, wife of Charles the 
Bad, and sister of the Due de Normandie.* 

As soon as all preparations were completed, a gen- 
eral assault was ordered. The besiegers advanced in 
two lines. The bowmen and archers, protected by 
shields, formed the first; while the men-at-arms, 
bearing lances, bucklers, and targes, supported them 
in the second line. Passing the ditches, they ap- 
proached the walls with scaling ladders for the 
assault. The besieged were well prepared for the 
* Luce, chap, ix., p. 298. 



1359] The Dauphin and the States-General. 97 

attack, and met the advance with a shower of arrows 
and heavy bolts. 

While his forces were making the assault, the 
Dauphin was watching them from the windows of a 
neighbouring house. He exclaimed to those who 
surrounded him: " I should be at the head of my 
troops, it is my hands which should strike the first 
blow, and yet you compel me to remain here with 
folded arms while my brave soldiers give their lives 
for me! " " Sire," replied his counsellors, " leave 
to your people their task ; to-day it is your duty to 
protect yourself from treason. An evil blow is soon 
given. If we do not guard your person, the funeral 
torches will soon be lighted for you, and we shall 
have lost our last hope." 

Among the many distinguished chevaliers present 
was Bertrand du Guesclin, and it is here probably 
that he first bore arms in the direct service of the 
King of France. 

The part which he played was eminently charac- 
teristic, and Cuvelhier * and other chroniclers have 
minutely recorded his brilliant feats of arms on this 
occasion. Advancing among the foremost of the 
besiegers, he recognised the Bascon de Mareuil upon 
the walls. " Brigand! "f he exclaimed, "would 
that I could reach you ! I swear by Heaven that I 
would put you beyond the power of the surgeons to 
cure you, could I but meet you on the battlements 

* Cuvelhier, vv. 3541-3665. The Trouvere places the date of this 
event in 1363, and later writers have followed him ; but the date of 
its occurrence was 1359. See Luce, Chroniques de yean Froissart, 
vol. v., p. 48, note 2. 

f A name given to the ordinary foot-soldier, bearing a buckler, and 
wearing a brigandine, 

7 



98 Bertrand du Guesclin. [1357- 

face to face! " Seizing a long ladder, he took it 
upon his shoulder and carried it to the walls ; raising 
it against them, and covering his head with his 
shield, he commenced to mount. The Dauphin, 
seeing the bold action, inquired, " Who is that brave 
soldier who is mounting there ? " " It is Bertrand 
du Guesclin," replied his counsellors, " the Breton 
warrior, so famed for his prowess, and who has 
fought so signally in the war of Brittany in the 
cause of your cousin, Charles de Blois." " What a 
brave soldier ! " replied Charles. " I will remember 
him." 

The Bascon de Mareuil, angry at the taunts of Du 
Guesclin, caused the largest stones to be brought to 
him, in order to hurl them upon him, and shouted 
to his bowmen: " Crush that fellow mounting 
there ! See how large he is, so short and stout, and 
how puffed up he is because he is in armour! It 
would be fine to throw him into the ditch ; he would 
have his heart broken very quickly by the fall. Give 
him a good load ! He is evidently a porter from Paris 
in armour; they say he is broken-winded." 

Paying no attention to these insults, Du Guesclin 
continued to mount, and challenged the Bascon de 
Mareuil to meet him. The latter seized a large cask 
of stones and discharged the contents upon the 
brave assailant. The ladder was broken, and Du 
Guesclin was precipitated, head first, into the ditch. 
The Dauphin, seeing the accident, immediately 
sent his attendants to extricate him. Du Guesclin 
was stunned by the fall, but was brought back and 
his armour loosened, and he soon regained con- 
sciousness. Starting up, he demanded of his friends 



1359] The Dauphin and the States-General. 99 

about him, " Good sirs, what has happened ? How 
goes it ? Have you taken the fortress ? Have the 
enemy surrendered?" "No," replied the chev- 
aliers addressed; " they desire to surrender upon 
one condition only, and that is, that the Due de 
Normandie raises the siege and returns to Paris." 
" By my faith," replied Du Guesclin, " the Due 
will never consent to it. Back to the assault ! Let 
him who loves me follow me ! ' ' Taking hardly time 
to replace his armour, he hastened to the barriers, 
and advanced where the bravest had not dared to 
go. He attacked the garrison, who had taken the 
opportunity of his misfortune to make a sortie, kill- 
ing many, and driving them back under the shelter 
of their defences.* The enemy sounded the re- 
treat, and night terminated the assault for that day. 

During the night, negotiations for a truce were 
concluded through the intervention of the queens 
then in the Chateau, and the preliminaries of a 
peace were arranged. Accordingly, on the 31st of 
July, the Dauphin raised the siege and returned to 
Paris. " On the 21st of August a treaty was signed 
at Pontoise. On the same day la reine Blanche, 
sister of Charles the Bad, and widow of Philippe de 
Valois, ceded Melun to the Crown of France in 
exchange for Vernon, Pontoise, the vicounty of 
Gisors, Gournay, and Neufchatel-en-Bray. " 

This peace was, however, but a treacherous act of 
Charles the Bad ; for, under his secret treaty of 
August 1st with Edward IH., his forces, under pre- 
tence of being the mercenaries of the King of Eng- 
land, continued their hostilities against the Dauphin. 
* Cuvelhier, v. 3665. 



lOO Bertrand du Guesclin. n 357-59 

His treachery was shown in many of the events 
which followed. Shortly after the i8th of Novem- 
ber, while under a safe-conduct granted by the 
Dauphin at the request of Charles the Bad, Jean 
Grailly, the Captal de Buch, took by assault in the 
early morning the important fortress of Clermont- 
en-Beauvasis. In December following, Charles the 
Bad was active in a plot, hatched at Paris, to de- 
throne the Dauphin, and it is claimed that he had 
planned to assassinate him with his own hand. 

During these distracting conditions the Dauphin 
was obliged to prepare to meet a most formidable 
invasion by the English. 




CHAPTER VI. 

CAMPAIGN IN BRITTANY — THE FREE COMPANIES. 

I359-I362. 

Edward III. invades France — Operations in Brittany — Du Guesclin's 
success — He is made a prisoner — His release — The treaty of 
Bretigny — Ransom of John II. — Du Guesclin visits England — 
His campaign against the Free Companies — The Dauphin at the 
head of affairs — His confidence in Du Guesclin — The battle of 
Brignais — Victory of the Free Companies — Their rise and devel- 
opment — Activity of Du Guesclin against them. 



EARLY in October the Duke of Lancaster, with 
a strong force, laid waste Picardy and Artois 
while the Dauphin was unable to detach a sufficient 
body of troops to check him. On the 30th of the 
same month Edward IIL landed at Calais with a 
large and well-appointed army, and opened a cam- 
paign which he had intended should prove most de- 
pressing to the Dauphin. But Charles, unable to raise 
a large army with which to meet him in the field, was 
indefatigable in disposing of the forces at his com- 
mand in reenforcing the garrisons of his towns and 
castles. Even the village churches were strength- 
ened by ditches and palisades, and, with a small but 
determined garrison, showed themselves capable of 



I02 Bertrand du Guesclin. [1359- 

proving a troublesome obstacle to the invaders. 
The peasantry also rallied to the support of the 
armed forces in such places; and so well planned 
was the resistance, and so determined the stand 
made, that, after four months of campaign, Edward 
had not succeeded in taking a single place of im- 
portance. 

He had besieged Rheims for seven weeks unsuc- 
cessfully, and had been compelled to retire without 
gaining any advantage. The policy of the Dauphin 
in strengthening his frontier towns and fortresses 
had completely defeated the plans of Edward, who 
had hoped to draw him into the field and meet him 
in battle, with the expectation of inflicting a crush- 
ing defeat by means of his superior forces. The 
shrewdness of the Dauphin and his counsellors, 
together with the unexpected resistance on the part 
of the people, completely frustrated Edward's de- 
signs. Another source of disturbance to Edward 
III. was the naval expedition undertaken by the 
Dauphin against some of the English ports. The 
descent upon the port of Winchelsea, and its cap- 
ture and sack by the French on the 14th of March, 
1360, were not calculated to increase his desire to 
protract his stay in France. 

While active operations were in progress near the 
centre of France, events of importance were occur- 
ring upon her frontiers. Edward III. had sent the 
Duke of Lancaster, as his special representative and 
lieutenant, into the counties of Perche and Alengon, 
to secure for him the revenues which he had ex- 
pected to derive from farming out these provinces 
to his sub-lieutenants. But these adventurers had 



1362] Campaign in Brittany. 103 

learned to provide for themselves first, and conse- 
quently the share of the plunder which came to 
Edward III. was small. In response to the com- 
plaint of the Duke of Lancaster, he sent a knight, 
in whom he had special confidence, to bring the 
delinquents to account. Sir William Windsor ac- 
cordingly landed in Brittany in the spring of 1359, 
and made his headquarters at Ploermel. His duties 
compelled him to make frequent visits to neighbour- 
ing sections. This fact came to the knowledge of 
Du Guesclin, who, selecting fifty of his chosen fol- 
lowers, posted them in the vicinity of the French 
fortress of Saint James de Beuvron, and awaited the 
approach of Windsor. The plan proved successful. 
Windsor, travelling with a force in whose numbers 
he had full confidence, was attacked by Du Guesclin, 
and his entire escort captured or killed, except a 
few who escaped through the fleetness of their 
horses. Du Guesclin conveyed his prisoners to 
Pontorson, where they were put to ransom. This 
was a severe check to Edward and his plans, and 
annoyed him greatly. He accordingly summoned 
Sir Robert Knolles, who was then laying waste 
Auvergne, to come immediately into Brittany. 
This he did so speedily and secretly that his arrival 
was not discovered by the ever-watchful Du Gues- 
clin. Gathering a force from the English garrisons, 
he immediately attacked the French. The affair 
occurred in December, 1359, at the Pas d'Evran, 
between Becherel and Dinan, on the banks of the 
Ranee. 

Du Guesclin had but a small body of troops, and, 
though surprised and greatly outnumbered, fought 



I04 Bertrand du Guesclin. [1359- 

with great fury and persistency. A number of his 
followers were slain, but he fought on fiercely, 
regardless of numbers or calls to surrender. The 
attacking party, however, preferred to capture him 
and put him to ransom, knowing well that so im- 
portant a capture was a valuable one. Du Guesclin 
and Bertrand de Saint-Pern were made prisoners by 
an English knight, Robin d'Adez, one of those 
who had taken part in the " Battle of the Thirty." 

Du Guesclin was soon at liberty, having been ran- 
somed, and soon had the satisfaction of retaliating 
upon the Enghsh for his recent defeat and capture. 
Having under his command about two hundred 
men-at-arms on an expedition, he halted for the 
night at the Abbey of Saint Meen, between Ploer- 
mel and Dinan. He had with him at the abbey 
forty of his followers, while the remainder were 
quartered in the houses of the village. The captain 
of the fortress of Ploermel was an English knight 
named Richard Grenacre. Upon learning of Du 
Guesclin's visit, he immediately attacked him with 
three hundred men. 

The followers of Du Guesclin in the village were 
scattered, and were speedily captured or killed. 
Aroused by the noise, he had hardly time to arm 
himself before he rushed out to the attack, at the 
head of thirty of his followers, shouting his battle- 
cry, " Notre Dame, Guesclin .^ " So fierce was the 
onset, that the enemy was soon routed and put to 
flight, and he recaptured those of his forces who 
had been made prisoners. Sir Richard Grenacre 
and one of his sons were taken prisoners, while a 
second son was killed in the battle. 



1362] Campaign in Brittany. 105 

Du Guesclin led his prisoners to Pontorson, and 
reported his success to the Dauphin at the time 
of the opening of the negotiations, which resulted 
a little later in the treaty of Bretigny."^ 

After an expedition covering a period of seven 
months, during which he had gained no material 
advantage, and had lost a large part of his army and 
expended a vast amount of treasure, Edward III. 
signed the treaty of Bretigny on the 8th of May, 
1360. 

This treaty was of benefit to France, since it set- 
tled certain disputes in regard to territory between 
the two kings, and, although at an exorbitant price 
of ransom, released John 11. from his imprisonment. 
Besides the great concessions of territory, a sum of 
three million ecus of gold was demanded by Edward. 

Great as was this amount, it was fully a million 
less than John had himself offered only a year pre- 
viously. This treaty was ratified at the Tower of 
London by the two kings on the 14th of the fol- 
lowing July. On the 8th of July, 1360, John 
arrived at Calais, where he remained until October, 
occupied in arranging for the collection of the sum 
of money to be paid to Edward III. for his ransom. 
Before leaving Calais, John was enabled to conclude 
a treaty with Charles the Bad of Navarre. 

One of the provisions of the treaty of Bretigny 
stipulated, that, within three months after his de- 
parture from Calais, he should provide eighty hos- 
tages — forty chevaliers and forty burghers — selected 
from the nineteen chief cities of France. Among 
the chevaliers were the Dues d'Orleans and d'Anjou 
* Luce, chap, ix., pp. 312-314. 



io6 Bevtrand du Guesclin. [1359- 

and Pierre d'Alengon. These three princes, before 
their departure, appointed Du Guesclin lieutenant 
of their possessions in their absence. This gave 
him an extensive command in Normandy, Anjou, 
and Maine, and in the county of Alengon. 

By the treaty of Br^tigny, Edward had agreed to 
recall all English troops from those sections to 
which he had relinquished claim. Many of these 
garrisons, being composed of soldiers of fortune, 
found their occupation ended by the treaty of 
peace. They were slow, therefore, and in many 
cases refused to leave those positions where they 
had made an easy and profitable living by levying 
upon the surrounding country. Edward III. ac- 
cordingly directed Sir Thomas Holland, who had 
been his lieutenant in Brittany, and captain of 
Saint-Sauveur in lower Normandy, to secure the 
promised withdrawal. His death at Rouen, soon 
after he entered upon this mission, left the attempt 
without result. 

In many sections strong castles were held by the 
Free Companies, and were a source of constant 
menace to the surrounding country. Against these, 
in the county of Maine, Du Guesclin entered upon 
a vigorous campaign. He took by assault Sabl6, 
Saint Brice, and other places held by the Free 
Companies, and placed strong garrisons in those 
already French. 

These continued successes were interrupted by an 
event which for a time placed Du Guesclin in a 
condition under which his active spirit was restless. 
During the latter part of December, 1360, or in 
January, 1361 (the exact date is uncertain*), as he 
* Luce, p. 249. 



1362] Campaign in Brittany. 107 

was returning from an expedition to the banks of 
the Fleche, and was about to cross the Sarthe, he 
was met by Sir Hugh Calverly, an English free- 
booter, who was lying in wait for him with a strong 
force at the bridge of Juign^. The French suc- 
ceeded in crossing, in spite of a furious resistance, 
but, after having done so, were attacked in flank 
and rear by a body of English archers, while their 
whole force was closely engaged. This diversion 
caused the retreat of Sir William de Craon and 
eighty men-at-arms. This defection, at a critical 
moment, was fatal. Du Guesclin, supported by his 
bravest chevaliers, made herculean efforts to regain 
the advantage which had nearly given them the vic- 
tory, but it was useless. Pressed and surrounded 
on every side, he was compelled to surrender to Sir 
Hugh Calverly. 

The ransom demanded by Calverly for his import- 
ant prisoner was three thousand ecus. Du Guesclin 
immediately undertook to raise this sum and obtain 
his release. Leaving his brother Guillaume as a 
hostage, he hastened to Paris. Here he met John 
n., who promised to furnish him a large part of the 
sum demanded. This he proposed to raise upon 
the possessions of the Due d' Orleans, the Due 
d'Anjou, and the Abbey of Mont Saint Michel. 

The Dues d' Orleans and d'Anjou were then in 
England as hostages for the payment of the ransom 
of John himself, and hence it became necessary for 
Du Guesclin to visit London and obtain their con- 
sent to the levy proposed by John upon their lands. 

Accordingly in the spring of 1361 he visited 
London, and the desired consent was gained, since, 
in their enforced absence from their domains and 



io8 Bertrand du Guesclin. [1359- 

possessions, It was necessary that their skilful lieu- 
tenant should be free to protect their territory. Ac- 
cordingly, by act signed at Compiegne, on the 14th 
of June, 1 361, John directed his royal treasurers to 
pay the sum he had promised.* By his own efforts 
and the aid of his friends, du Guesclin was enabled 
to secure the entire amount of the ransom demanded 
during the summer, and by October i8th had 
discharged his obligation and resumed his active 
service. 

Shortly after the death of Sir Thomas Holland, 
Edward III. appointed Sir John Chandos, his cap- 
tain-general in France. To him he specially in- 
trusted the duty of securing the evacuation of the 
fortresses which, by the provisions of the recent 
treaty, he had relinquished to the King of France. 
Sir John Chandos immediately proceeded to Paris 
to secure the possession of those provinces which 
the treaty had ceded to Edward III. John II., 
aware of his mission, and reluctant to consummate 
the great sacrifice of territory, avoided the English 
envoy by going to the fortress of Melun. Sir John, 
however, followed him ; and, in order to delay the 
meeting, John II. again moved his abiding-place, 
and took refuge in the Abbey of Barbeau. 

The interview was inevitable, and John was com- 
pelled to meet it. He was able to plead further 
delay, on account of the continued occupation of 
certain fortresses by English garrisons and the con- 
tinued depredations in many sections by Anglo- 
Gascon Free Companies. 

Impatient at the failure of Edward III. to relieve 

♦Biblioth. Nationale, Dept. MSS., " Guesclin," Luce, p. 351. 



1362] Campaign in Brittany. 109 

him of the evils of which he complained, John de- 
termined to take matters into his own hands,, and 
accordingly, in the latter months of 1361, raised a 
force for a campaign against the English Free Com- 
panies. In the hands of Du Guesclin he placed the 
sum of eight thousand livres, with which to recruit 
a force of men-at-arms and archers.* 

An expedition was placed under the command of 
the Constable of France, Sir Robert de Fiennes; 
and with him were associated the Comtes d'Artois, 
d'Alengon, and d'Eu, and Baudoin d'Annequin, 
captain of the cross-bows, the old friend of Du 
Guesclin. The object of the expedition was the 
capture of the strong fortress of Brezolles. This 
was held by a mixed garrison, formerly English and 
Gascon mercenaries, which had for some time held 
it as a rallying-point, from which incursions were 
made into the surrounding fertile country of La 
Perche. This fortress was situated near the town 
of Dreux, and upon this place the move was first 
made. 

Du Guesclin, in the meantime, had gone to Pon- 
torson to muster his force of men-at-arms. This 
accomplished, he immediately started to effect a 
junction with the forces of the Constable de Fiennes. 
On his route to Brezolles he learned of the muster 
of a number of the English Companies in prepara- 
tion for an expedition for plunder and pillage. 
These bodies of Free Companies were gathered at 
Briouze, a large town, whose defences had been 
levelled. He immediately moved upon this force 
with the utmost speed and secrecy, and struck them 

* Biblioth. Nationale, MS., title " Du Guesclin," Luce, p. 254. 



no Bertrand du Guesclin, [1359- 

so fiercely and unexpectedly that he captured one 
hundred of their number, among whom was their 
captain, Hoppequin Dierre.* 

After this success he joined the forces of the Con- 
stable de Fiennes at Tilliers, north of Brezolles, 
where he, with Baudoin d'Annequin, held his head- 
quarters. For three months the fortress of Bre- 
zolles was closely besieged, at the end of which time 
the garrison capitulated, on condition that they 
might be allowed to march out free, leaving the 
stronghold in possession of the besiegers. 

Following this, was the surrender of Fresnay le 
Samson, in the county of Alengon, and the occupa- 
tion of the tower of Pirmil, in Maine, which was 
carried by assault by Sir Amauri de Craon. These 
events closed this successful campaign. 

John II. having been called into Burgundy (to 
which duchy he had fallen heir by the death of 
Philippe de Rouvi^re, the late Duke), the Dauphin 
Charles assumed direction of affairs. He summoned 
Du Guesclin to Paris, and placed in his hands a 
sum for the payment of his troops, as well as to 
compensate him for his own expenses. In apprecia- 
tion of his valuable services, he granted to him the 
Chateau de Roche-Tesson, in lower Normandy. This 
important stronghold commanded the principal 
route from Normandy into Brittany by Bayeux 
and Rennes. It was a point from which the incur- 
sions of the Navarrese into lower Normandy could 
be controlled. 

This added dignity raised him from the rank of 
chevalier to that of " chevalier banneret," and at 
* Biblioth. Nationale, MS. 4987, etc., Luce, p. 355. 



1362] Campaign in Brittany. in 

the same time conferred upon him the title of 
" Counsellor to the King." The Dauphin also 
intrusted to him the charge of the ch3,teau and 
Breton-French garrison of Torigni, which com- 
manded the course of the Vire, and, with Roche- 
Tesson, controlled the route of communication by 
Vire between Cotentin and Brittany. 

Early in January, 1362, he took possession of his 
new commands. Stopping briefly at Pontorson, he 
set out for Rouen in order to join the Constable de 
Fiennes, and plan with him a campaign against the 
Anglo-Navarrese Free Companies in that section. 

At the head of a force of four hundred men-at- 
arms and archers, he was traversing the section in 
which these bands of marauders were operating, 
when he learned that a body of six hundred of their 
number was not far from Saint-Guillaume de Mor- 
tain. By a rapid march, he succeeded in surprising 
and attacking them, and completely routed the 
force, capturing one hundred prisoners, and leaving 
an equal number slain upon the field. 

Effecting a junction with the forces of the Con- 
stable, immediately afterward they together at- 
tacked the fortified abbey of Saint Martin de Seez. 
This was held by a strong garrison of English troops 
from several of the neighbouring castles, which had 
been evacuated by them. The abbey was closely in- 
vested, and the garrison, confident in their strength, 
attempted a sortie, which was repulsed after a san- 
guinary struggle in which they lost a large number 
in killed and prisoners. The garrison soon afterward 
surrendered, on condition of securing life and free- 
dom. The Constable de Fiennes and Du Guesclin 



1 1 2 Bertrand du Guesclin. [1359- 

immediately proceeded to besiege Vign^e, a fortress 
held by the EngHsh, An assault which was at- 
tempted failed, and at the same time they received 
information which led them to raise the siege. 
They learned that James Pipe, who had previously 
evacuated the stronghold of Rupierre, near Caen, 
had seized the Abbey de Cormeilles, and was laying 
the adjacent country under tribute. Pipe had 
strengthened the defences of the abbey to a degree 
which demanded a siege by the French forces. 

While these affairs were transpiring, the valley of 
the Rhone was the scene of a series of events which 
deeply affected the welfare of France. Two Eng- 
lish soldiers of fortune, James Hawkins and James 
Cressway, with two Gascon leaders of Free Com- 
panies, Sequin de Badefol and Robert Briquet, had 
succeeded, in a night attack on the 28th of Decem- 
ber, 1360, in taking the fortress of Pont Saint 
Esprit. 

The castle was bravely defended by its seneschal, 
Jean Souvain, who was mortally wounded in falling 
from the battlements during the assault. Once 
masters of this commanding fortress, the Free 
Companies committed the worst atrocities upon the 
inhabitants of the surrounding country. The Pope, 
Innocent VI., after vain remonstrances with them, 
began a crusade against them. This was pursued 
until the summer of 1361, when he was compelled 
to pay to the bandits a considerable sum, in order 
to protect his patrimony from their incursions. For 
four years Innocent VI. pursued a hopeless struggle 
against them, until the signing of the treaty of Br6- 
tigny by the Kings of England and France. 



1362] Campaign in Brittany. 113 

This treaty served to increase the ranks of the 
Free Companies by releasing from their engage- 
ment large numbers of mercenary troops, who had 
been in the employment of Edward III, These 
bodies of men-at-arms felt that the Pope, as the 
negotiator of this treaty, had destroyed their occu- 
pation, and hence that they would turn their forces 
against him. 

Although Edward III, had sent Sir John Chandos 
to secure the delivery of the fortresses which he 
had promised to yield to John II., and to dispose 
these disorderly garrisons, the task was difficult of 
accomplishment. The several bodies of Free Com- 
panies were receiving constant additions of men-at- 
arms, whose occupation was gone, for the time at 
least. 

The Dauphin Charles, with much sagacity, recog- 
nised the existing conditon, and endeavoured to 
meet it. In the latter part of March, 1362, the 
Comte de Tancarville, his lieutenant in Bourgogne, 
was directed to take his entire force and march 
against the Free Companies in the valley of the 
Rhone, With him were associated the Comte de la 
Marche and his two sons, Pierre and Louis de Bour- 
bon, and other illustrious chevaliers. The two 
forces met not far from Lyons, at Brignais, on the 
6th of April, 1362. 

The outcome was a disastrous defeat for the 
French forces. This result was due to the fact that 
the French chivalry was opposed by men-of-war 
trained by long habits of discipline and hardship. 

The brilliant courage of the French was no match 
for the veteran discipline of the rough soldiers of 

8 



114 Bertrand du Guesclin. [1359- 

the Free Companies. Louis de Bourbon was slain 
upon the field, the Comte de la Marche and Pierre 
de Bourbon were made prisoners, and the Comte de 
Tancarville and other chevaliers died of their wounds 
at Lyons a few days later. 

The victory of the Free Companies at Brignais 
caused much consternation at Avignon. The Pope, 
in his terror, called upon the King of France for 
aid, and, as a consideration for his assistance, made 
a large loan to John IL toward the payment of 
that instalment of his ransom which fell due in 
April, 1362. 

John immediately recalled the Constable de 
Fiennes to Paris, where he received instruction to 
proceed into Bourgogne and assume command of 
further operations against the Free Companies. 
This left Du Guesclin in command of the forces 
besieging Cormeilles. The prolonged resistance of 
the garrison exhausted his patience, and he accord- 
ingly addressed a letter to James Pipe, the com- 
mander, couched in the most threatening terms. 
This had the desired effect. The garrison, knowing 
well that Du Guesclin would make severe terms 
with them if forced to carry the place by assault, 
agreed to surrender upon conditions which placed 
the fortress in his hands some time during the 
month of August. 

At the time of his withdrawal from this section, 
he learned that Sir John Jouel, at the head of a 
body of Free Companies, had left the garrison of 
Livarot, and was pillaging the country north of 
Liseux. He immediately started in pursuit of this 
force, which he overtook beyond Pont I'Eveque. 



1362] Campaign in Brittany. 115 

He attacked them at the pass of Breuil, killed a part 
of their number, and compelled Jouel to retreat. 

Although France and Brittany had been in a con- 
dition of more or less constant disturbance and strife 
during the fourteenth century, there was nothing 
which produced such widespread misery and distress 
as the lawless incursions of the Free Companies. 
Composed of men-at-arms under able leaders, and 
inured to hardship and war, they, during a period 
of nine years, spread dismay and devastation over 
all parts of France by their acts of violence and 
brigandage. 

Nothing was exempt from their ravages ; and all 
orders, without distinction, suffered from their ex- 
actions. Their rise was most signal after the disaster 
at Poitiers, when large numbers of English mer- 
cenaries were freed from employment, and rapidly 
scattered themselves over many portions of France. 

The first leader of these bands to obtain promi- 
nence was Sir Regnault de Cervole, a Gascon, under 
whose command a considerable force of men-at- 
arms had gathered. He was usually designated the 
"Arch-Priest," which title he obtained from the fact 
that, though a layman, he held an arch-priesthood. 
He appears in 1357 as the leader of a large band 
of soldiery of the most lawless character, and Frois- 
sart * describes their first incursions as extending 
into Provenge and as far as Avignon. He continued 
his career of brigandage until 1365, when he fell by 
the hands of his own followers. 

From Poitiers in 1356, until their victory at Bri- 
gnais in 1362, the numbers of the Free Companies 
* Froissart, Liv. I., Part II., chap. Ix., p. 373. 



Ii6 Bevtrand du Guesclin. [1359- 

had rapidly increased, and their atrocities upon the 
people of those portions of the country which they 
pillaged and ravaged had augmented in similar pro- 
portions. 

During the events of the two years just related, 
Du Guesclin was occupied in his command in Maine, 
Anjou, Perche, and Normandy, in a war upon this 
banditti. His activity was incessant, and his success 
correspondingly marked. The period was filled with 
a rapid succession of captures of castles held by 
garrisons of the Free Companies, with conflicts with 
bodies of their pillagers, and with successes in driving 
them beyond the Hmits of his command. Such were 
the results achieved, that the people of the territory 
which he freed from their ravages viewed him with af- 
fectionate admiration as their deliverer and defender. 

This terrible afifliction of France by the Free 
Companies can be traced, in its development, to the 
policy of Edward III. after the invasion of 1346 and 
its success at Crecy. While the results of this inva- 
sion were brilliant, on account of the achievements 
of his arms, the immense expense which it had en- 
tailed had completely emptied his treasury. Unable 
to carry the war into Brittany as he desired, he had 
espoused the cause of John de Montfort. In order 
to avoid any expense on his own part in these efforts, 
he conceived the idea of farming out the province as 
though it were his own, and placing some one over 
it as a military governor, who should collect from it 
a revenue, and thus meet all outlay for the support 
and maintenance of its troops and garrisons. 

The results of such a system are apparent. There 
grew up on every side castles and fortresses which 



13621 



Campaign in Brittany. 



117 



were not for the public defence, but were centres of 
brigandage, rapine, and oppression. Into these 
strongholds were gathered bodies of lawless men, 
who were willing to promise to pay a portion of the 
plunder which they might secure, for a flimsy pre- 
tence of right to carry on their practices, and whose 
numbers would be rapidly swelled by the addition 
of adventurers like themselves. 




CHAPTER VII. 

CAMPAIGN IN NORMANDY, AND JOHN II. 
I 362-1 364. 

His campaign against Charles the Bad — Siege of Becquerel — Treaty 
of Poitiers — Marriage of Du Guesclin with Tiphaine Raguenel — 
Affair with Sir William Felton — Campaign against the Anglo- 
Navarrese — Capture of Mantes and Meulan — Capture of Rolle- 
boise — Death of John II. — His character. 

DURING his brief pontificate, Innocent VI. had 
striven to secure peace between the Kings of 
England and France. His efforts to secure the 
termination of the struggle in Brittany, which had 
proved only partially successful before, were more 
earnestly pressed after the peace of Bretigny. These 
were without effect, and were terminated by his 
death, which occurred on the 12th of September, 
1362, at Avignon. 

The truce which had been signed between the 
two contestants in 1360, and had been extended 
further by a later agreement, finally terminated by 
act of the opposing parties in the latter part of 1362. 
John de Montfort had attained his majority, and 
had come into possession of his estates. He wa^ 
thus no longer the ward of Edward III. Of the 

118 



1362-64] Campaign in Normandy. 119 

various fortresses and strongholds which Edward 
III. had held in the name of De Montfort, he relin- 
quished all except those of Becherel and Trogoff, 
which he retained as a compensation for his services 
as guardian. These he placed in charge of his lieu- 
tenant-general, in Brittany, William Lattimer. 

The exact date of the resumption of hostilities is 
uncertain*; but the conduct of affairs in behalf of 
Charles de Blois was intrusted to Du Guesclin, and 
in the latter months of 1362 we find him occupied 
in military operations connected with this struggle. 
Early in the spring of 1363 he pushed a campaign 
into Normandy, surprising his antagonists by a 
series of rapid marches and sudden attacks, for 
which he was so famous. Moving from east to 
westj he took successively Pestivieu, Trogoff, and 
Carhaix, and also occupied Saint Pol de Leon. 

John II. had left Paris in the month of Septem- 
ber, 1362, and soon after the coronation of Urban 
V. had repaired to Avignon, where he had spent 
the greater part of the following winter. Here he 
became aware that the mandate of evacuation, 
issued by Edward III. in that winter, would be 
tardily obeyed by the captains of the fortresses 
ceded by him to the King of France. The Dau- 
phin Charles, who had charge of the affairs of gov- 
ernment in the absence of his father, summoned Du 
Guesclin in April, 1363, to take charge of the Crown 
interests. He was also lieutenant of the Due d' Or- 
leans for his extensive possessions, and was now 
made captain-general for the Dauphin in the baili- 
wicks of Cotentin and Caen. 

* Luce, p. 378. 



120 Bertrand du Guesclin. [1362- 

Of the strong positions held by the French in lower 
Normandy, the fortress of Torigny was one of the 
most important. It was situated in the neighbour- 
hood of several Anglo-Navarrese strongholds, whose 
garrisons were constantly making forays into its 
vicinity, and threatening it with direct attack. 

From its situation it commanded the valley of 
Vire, and it was very important that it should 
remain in French possession, and be relieved from 
the incessant attacks of the Free Companies, espe- 
cially the garrison of the neighbouring castles of 
Aulnay and Vaudry. 

In this section Charles the Bad of Navarre had 
appointed as his lieutenant his brother, Philippe 
de Navarre, Comte de Longueville, who was as 
honourable and noble as his brother Charles was 
treacherous and base. He had for a long period 
been devoted to the cause of Edward III., but had 
finally withdrawn his allegiance, and returned to that 
of his proper sovereign, John 11. He readily joined 
in the plans of Du Guesclin to rid this section of its 
troublesome neighbours, and to secure to the King 
of France the strongholds which had been taken by 
the Free Companies. 

In the latter part of April, Du Guesclin, with the 
aid of Phihppe, undertook an expedition against the 
fortress of Aulnay. The Comte de Longueville had 
sent Guillaume du Guesclin, brother of Bertrand, to 
summon to his aid many of the knights of the 
Navarrese fortresses in Normandy. 

The surrender of Aulnay was arranged by pur- 
chase. Immediately the conjoined forces of Du 
Guesclin and the Comte de Longueville moved 



1364] Campaign in Normvndy. 121 

against Vaudry. An assault was made, which failed 
after a most vigorous effort, with considerable loss 
to the besiegers. The forces of Du Guesclin and his 
ally amounted to eight hundred men-at-arms. The 
commander of the garrison, knowing the determined 
valour of Du Guesclin, and realising his strength, did 
not dare to await a second assault, but withdrew 
with his garrison, leaving the fortress in the hands 
of the besiegers. In the meantime, the Comte de 
Longueville had succeeded in driving out several 
strong bodies of Free Companies from Cotigny and 
Coulonces. 

While Du Guesclin was pushing his conquests in 
lower Normandy, Charles de Blois, encouraged by 
the successes of the opening of the campaign, pre- 
pared to besiege the fortress of Becherel. This 
stronghold Edward III. had reserved for himself as 
payment for the sum of sixty-four thousand nobles 
which he had lent to the Comte de Montfort while 
he was acting as his guardian. The possession of 
this fortress, situated on the main route between 
Rennes and Dinan, was of much importance, and 
accordingly, Charles de Blois laid siege to it in the 
latter part of May, 1363. 

The small army which he had assembled was con- 
siderably reenforced by the Dauphin Charles, who 
directed Sir Amauri de Craon, his lieutenant in 
Maine, Anjou, and Touraine, to join him with the 
forces under his command. 

John de Montfort, aware of these movements, 
endeavoured to take advantage of them. With a 
considerable force and several skilful English leaders, 
among whom were Sir John Chandos, Sir Robert 



122 Bertrand du Guesclin. [1362- 

Knolles, Sir Gautier Hewet, and others, as well as 
such renowned Breton knights as Sir Olivier de 
Clisson and Olivier Cadoudal, he attempted, in the 
absence of the forces of Charles de Blois, to surprise 
the city of Nantes. This effort, made on the 25th 
of June, failed, and without further delay he pro- 
ceeded to the aid of the beleaguered garrison of 
Becquerel. 

On reaching the vicinity of this fortress, he found 
the troops of Charles de Blois in so well secured a 
position that he did not deem it safe to attack them. 
He accordingly decided to so dispose his force as 
to cut off their sources of supply. This he did ; and 
the forces of De Blois, suffering from the incon- 
veniences of their critical position, proposed to 
meet the forces of De Montfort in the field. This 
proposition was accepted by De Montfort ; but, be- 
fore the battle opened, a truce was arranged through 
the intervention of the bishops present. 

This was agreed upon on the 12th of July. By 
the negotiations which followed, a suspension of 
arms, and a provision for the conduct of further 
negotiation, were arranged, under the supervision of 
the Prince of Wales as referee. Each party gave 
hostages until a treaty should be duly drawn and 
signed. 

Negotiations progressed slowly and with difB- 
culty, and it was not until November 26, 1362, that 
the treaty was signed at Poitiers. This treaty pro- 
vided for a suspension of hostilities until March 24, 
1364. 

In the latter part of 1363, hostilities having re- 
opened between the Dauphin Charles and Charles 



1364] Campaign in Normandy. 123 

the Bad of Navarre, John de Montfort sought occa- 
sion to recommence hostilities against Charles de 
Blois. Feeling that the Dauphin was fully occupied 
with his operations against Charles the Bad, and 
sure of the open assistance of the latter as well as 
the secret aid of the English, he decided that it was 
a time to disregard further efforts at peace with 
Charles de Blois, and to open hostilities against 
him. 

In the arrangements for the truce and suspension 
of arms at Poitiers, in November, 1363, Du Guesclin 
had been included in the number of hostages given 
by Charles de Blois. He had accepted this position 
of hostage with the understanding that it was to be 
for a limited time only. This had been acceded 
to by De Montfort, and by him he was assigned to 
the guardianship of Sir Thomas Knolles, who duly 
acquitted him after the term agreed upon had ex- 
pired. His duties in Normandy had been the reason 
of his stipulating a limit ; and, his term completed, 
he repaired to Vitr6, whence he proceeded to Dinan, 
in order to consummate one of the most important 
acts of his eventful life. 

The admiration which his prowess in the tourna- 
ment at Dinan had won from Tiphaine Raguenel 
had ripened into a deeper sentiment. She had fol- 
lowed his continued successes with increasing inter- 
est. She was the descendant of a family which was 
ardently loyal to the cause of Charles de Blois, and 
his misfortunes had only served to deepen her en- 
thusiasm in all that pertained to it. Du Guesclin 
had early committed himself to the decision that 
Charles de Blois was the rightful successor to the 



124 Bertrand du Guesclin. [1362- 

sovereignty of the duchy of Brittany. This fact un- 
doubtedly gained for him further favour in the eyes 
of " The Fair Maid of Dinan." His unremitting 
loyalty to the cause, after defeat and misfortune, 
united a chivalrous devotion to conspicuous bravery 
and prowess. These characteristics, with others 
which belonged to a generous and kindly nature, 
transformed the plain features of Du Guesclin, under 
the romantic imagination which Tiphaine possessed, 
into those of an ideal, and she gave her heart and 
hand to the Breton hero. 

Charles de Blois readily consented to a union 
which would combine two strong elements of sup- 
port so important for his cause. The marriage was 
solemnised at Dinan.* 

Du Guesclin did not, however, remain inactive. 
The disturbances in other portions of France appealed 
to his active spirit, and seconded by his brave wife, 
who appreciated in its fulness the great work which 
he had begun, and believed that he was destined to 
accomplish the deliverance of France from her ene- 
mies, he again put on his armour, and left the quiet 
of home for the stern duties of the field. Tiphaine 
was a true representative of the noble women of her 
time, and did not hesitate a moment to make any 
sacrifice for the welfare of France and the cause to 
which she was devoted. With an unbounded admi- 
ration for his genius, and the fullest confidence in 
his success, she could not do otherwise than urge 
him to assume his place as a leader in the important 
struggles of the time. 

While these events were passing, an incident took 

* Cuvelhier, v. 3435. 



1364] Campaign in Normandy. 1 25 

place which was the cause of extreme annoyance 
to Du Guesclin. In the articles of the truce of 
November, 1363, he had been named one of the 
hostages of Charles de Blois, which office he had 
accepted for a limited period. This he had faithfully 
kept. He was, however, charged with failure to 
keep his agreement by Sir William Felton, an Eng- 
lish knight, who, on the part of John de Montfort, 
had aided in drawing up the articles of truce. As 
soon as Du Guesclin heard of this charge, he sent 
his squire, Jean de Bigot, to Sir William Felton 
with the message, that if anyone charged him with 
having broken his word, and not keeping his engage- 
ments, as he had promised to do, he was ready to 
meet the charge in judicial combat. To this mes- 
sage Sir William Felton sent the following letter * : 

Monseigtieur Bertrand du Guesclin : I have heard 
from Jean Bigot, your squire, that you have said, or 
should have said, that if anyone wished to claim that 
you had not well and loyally remained a hostage, under 
the treaty of peace for Brittany, as you have promised to 
do the day that Monseigneur de Montfort, Due de Bre- 
tagne, and Monseigneur Charles de Blois attempted to 
settle the dispute regarding Brittany, and that you were 
held to remain as a hostage for more than one month, 
you were ready to defend yourself before your judges. 
Whereupon, I would have you know that you promised 
upon that day, by the faith of your body, to constitute 
yourself a hostage and to remain at the residence assigned 
to you, without departing therefrom, until the city of 
Nantes should be delivered up to Monseigneur de Mont- 

* Morice, Hist, de Bretagne, vol. i., col. 1568-1569 ; Luce, Vie de 
Bert, du Cues.., p. 402. 



126 Bertrand dit Guesclin, [i362- 

fort, Due de Bretagne, or you should receive permission 
of my lord ; which promise you have broken ; far from 
keeping it well and loyally. And, with the aid of God, 
I am ready to prove it against you with my own body, as 
a chevalier should do, before my lord the King of 
France. Witness my seal afhxed to this schedule on the 
24th of November, 1363. 

GUILLAUME DE FeLTON. 

To this Du Guesclin sent the following reply : 

To Mofiseigneur Guillaume de Fclton : I inform you 
that, with the aid of God, I will appear before our lord, 
the King of France on Tuesday before mid-lent next, if 
he is then in his kingdom. And, in case he should not 
be, I will, by the aid of God, appear before my lord the 
Due de Normandie the said day. And, as for what you 
say, or have said, that I should have remained a hostage 
for more than one month until the city of Nantes was 
delivered over to the Comte de Montfort, and that I 
have broken my promise ; in case that you desire to 
hold the contrary against me, I will say and maintain, 
before the King or the Duke, in my loyal defence, that 
you have basely lied. I will be at the appointed place, 
if it please God, there to guard and defend my honour 
and estate against you. And, as I do not desire to be 
long in discussion with you, I inform you once for all, 
by these letters sealed with my seal on the 9th of De- 
cember, 1363. 

Bertrand du Guesclin. 

Olivier de Mauny, Du Guesclin's cousin, and one 

of his oldest friends in arms, showed his affection 
for him by challenging any friend of Felton or De 
Montfort who desired to take the part of the Eng- 



13643 Campaign in Normandy. 127 

lish knight. His challenge was accepted on the 
15th of February, 1364, by Sir Thomas Felton, a 
cousin of the accuser of Du Guesclin, 

As John had been compelled to return to Eng- 
land and into captivity, the Dauphin Charles was at 
the head of the affairs of the government; and 
before him the discussion and settlement of this 
affair naturally came. Fully realising its import- 
ance, and desiring that his esteemed commander 
should have the fullest opportunity for vindication, 
he accordingly assembled the members of his coun- 
cil in a solemn convocation at Paris upon the day 
appointed, the 27th of February, 1364, and presided 
in person over its deliberations. There were pres- 
ent, and formed part of the council, the King of 
Cyprus and the ^lite of the barons, chevaliers, and 
church dignitaries of the realm. The discussion 
between the advocates of the two parties continued 
for three days; and on Thursday, February 29th, 
the Court rendered its decision, which was in 
substance as follows: that the law only permitted 
duels in default of testimonial proof; that Du Gues- 
clin had declared, in the presence of more than two 
hundred chevaliers and squires, that he could remain 
as a hostage but one month ; that he had kept his 
promise, as many witnesses had testified on the part 
of Sir Robert Knolles ; finally, that Sir William Fel- 
ton could not call Du Guesclin to a duel to prove a 
matter already witnessed by more than two hundred 
persons. 

Bertrand had demanded by his advocate, as dam- 
ages for this accusation, the sum of one hundred 
thousand francs from his accuser. This claim the 



128 Bertrand du Guesclin. [1362- 

Court decided not to allow, in setting aside the 
complaint of Felton, which it declared baseless and 
untrue. 

The death of Philippe de Rouv^re, Due de Bour- 
gogne, without issue, had left John II., his cousin, 
who was also grandson of Robert II., the direct heir 
to the duchy. Charles the Bad, though only the 
great-grandson of Robert II., at once made claim to 
the succession of the duchy against John 11. , who 
would not listen to the pretensions of his son-in-law. 
Charles the Bad immediately commenced prepara- 
tions to open hostilities against the King of France. 
His brother Philippe, Comte de Longueville, was 
loyal to his sovereign, John II., but his death at 
Vernon, on the 29th of August, removed him from 
a position where he might have done much to 
thwart the evil purposes of his brother, Charles the 
Bad. 

Edward III. encouraged the hostile movements 
of Charles the Bad, and countenanced the depreda- 
tions of the Free Companies in Normandy and 
other sections. John de Montfort immediately 
entered upon his own evil purposes against the 
peace, in conditions so favourable to his designs. 
Sir John Jouel, a leader of the Free Companies, 
under the encouragement of Edward III., fortified 
himself in the Castle of Rolleboise, which com- 
manded the lower Seine, and enabled him to cut off 
communication between Rouen and Paris. The 
incursions, of these bandit forces were extended to 
the environs of Paris, and the intervening country 
was pillaged and laid under heavy contribution. 

The winter of 1363 and 1364 was one of unusual 



1364] Campaign in Normandy. 129 

rigour, and the suffering entailed thereby was very- 
general and severe. The Seine and the Rhone were 
so deeply frozen as to be crossed by persons upon 
horseback, and the vines and olive trees were de- 
stroyed in many sections. 

The severity of the weather could not curb the 
activity of Du Guesclin's nature, and his iron frame 
and wonderful endurance were beyond its power of 
control. In the latter months of 1363 the Anglo- 
Navarrese troops had invaded the low country about 
Bayeux, and had put the inhabitants under heavy 
ransom. They had also taken Beaumont-le-Richard, 
Quesnay, and Molay. 

Against these bandits he organised an expedition 
with Olivier de Mauny, his cousin, as his lieutenant. 
The people of Caen contributed a considerable force, 
and the subjects of the King of France in Normandy 
also furnished men and material. 

In midwinter they besieged Beaumont-le-Richard, 
Quesnay, and Molay-Bacon. The two former were 
captured during the latter part of January and early 
part of February, and Molay-Bacon was surrendered 
to Olivier de Mauny in the latter part of February, 
1364. 

The success of this campaign, during one of the 
severest winters recorded, bears ample testimony to 
the courage and endurance of the little army which, 
under the two Breton cousins, formed the nucleus 
of that force by whose sturdy valour and discipline 
Du Guesclin had been able to win victory after vic- 
tory, and which was to insure success later on the 
field of Cocherel. 

Early in March the Dauphin summoned Du Gues- 



130 Bertrand du Guesclin. [1362- 

clin and Olivier de Mauny from lower Normandy, 
and sent them to besiege the Castle of Rolleboise, 
which had been a source of terror to the surround- 
ing country during the winter, on account of the 
depredations and atrocities of its garrison. Among 
the chevaliers who joined his forces were Jean de 
Chalons, Comte d' Auxerre, and his brother Hugues.* 
The Dauphin also directed the principal lords of 
Normandy and Picardy to join their forces with 
those of Du Guesclin, who made his headquarters 
near Mantes. 

The town of Mantes, and that of Meulan near it, 
belonged to Charles the Bad, who, having spent 
much time at the former, had gathered a number of 
supporters among the burghers of both towns. In 
Meulan, especially, he had accumulated considerable 
stores of plunder and treasure. After March 24th, 
the first day of Lent, the siege of Rolleboise was 
undertaken. Its commander made every prepara- 
tion for its defence. 

On the 4th of April the Dauphin commanded the 
chief of his artillery to convey to Du Guesclin a 
number of powerful war engines and munitions. As 
soon as these were received, preparations for a gen- 
eral assault were completed and the attack made. 
Du Guesclin and the Comte d'Auxerre led the onset 
upon the bridge, and had nearly succeeded in carry- 
ing it and the ramparts, when night closed the 
contest for the day. 

At this point of the siege a messenger arrived 
with an important communication for Du Guesclin. 
The Dauphin had learned of the treacherous pre- 
* Known as " The Green Knight," 



13641 Campaign in Normandy. 131 

parations and intentions of Charles of Navarre, and 
that he had aheady despatched a force into Nor- 
mandy under command of his cousin Jean Grailly, 
called also the " Captal de Buch." 

The army under Grailly was large and well ap- 
pointed, and was a menace not to be overlooked. 
This information had been gained from the capture 
of a messenger bearing despatches to the lords 
d'Albret and Mussidan, whom Charles the Bad was 
seeking to enlist against the King of France. 

The Dauphin, with the advice of his council, de- 
cided to act promptly in the matter, and to treat the 
King of Navarre as a rebellious subject, and to con- 
fiscate his possessions, thus ignoring the necessity 
for a formal declaration of hostilities. The Mare- 
chal Boucicaut was therefore sent to Du Guesclin 
to inform him of the state of affairs, and to instruct 
him to occupy the towns of Mantes and Meulan 
immediately, without any formality of siege; in 
other words, to obtain possession of them by any 
means which might suggest themselves to him. His 
ready genius quickly afforded him a plan. 

Early on the morning of Sunday, the 7th of April, 
he placed in ambush, near one of the gates of 
Mantes, one hundred and twenty chosen men-at- 
arms, under command of Olivier de Mauny, Jean de 
Boutellier, and other daring leaders. Awaiting the 
opening of the barriers before the outer guard had 
been set, they seized the opportunity, when a loaded 
waggon was coming out of the gate upon the draw- 
bridge, to take possession of the bridge, and, attack- 
ing and overpowering the guard, gained control of 
the gate, and immediately entered the town. The 



132 Bertrand du Guesclin. [1362- 

inhabitants were stricken with a panic, and fled in 
all directions. Du Guesclin, who awaited the signal 
of their success at a distance, now entered the town 
with his forces. The houses of the wealthy burghers 
were given up to pillage, though no violence was 
permitted to be done to the inhabitants.* 

Three days later, Du Guesclin, with Jean de Cha- 
lons, Comte d'Auxerre, leaving Mantes under guard 
of Hugues de Chalons, " The Green Knight," and 
Evan Charruel, pushed rapidly forward at the head 
of two hundred men-at-arms for Meulan, where many 
of the fugitives from Mantes had taken refuge. 

Du Guesclin at once besieged the town, and 
planned an assault from the right and left banks of 
the Seine simultaneously. 

The garrison, finding resistance useless, surren- 
dered. Again permission to pillage the houses, 
sparing the inhabitants, was given. These sequels 
of a successful siege were common in the lawless 
period in which the events reviewed took place. It 
was one of the degrading licenses of the time ; and 
even a brave and generous commander was not 
above tolerating such practices on the part of his 
soldiery, in partial compensation for their service 
and courage. 

Du Guesclin, while he ever stood firmly for the 
protection of women and the helpless at such times, 
permitted these disgraceful acts of brigandage on 
some occasions; perhaps yielding to the desires of 
some of his leaders and unprincipled followers, 
rather than following the promptings of his better 
nature. 

* Luce, p. 426 ; Froissart, Liv. I., Part II., p. 472, gives a differ- 
ent version ; Cuvelhier, vv. 3698-3868, explains the plan differently. 



1364] 



Campaign in Normandy. 



133 



In the early part of 1364, John II., contrary to 
the advice of his counsellors, decided to return to 
England. Not long after his arrival he was taken 
ill, and died at London upon the 8th of April. 

Thus passed away a prince whose reign seems to 
have been little else than a continuous series of mis- 
fortunes and complications for France. 

His character was a puzzling combination of 
inconsistencies. Of fine figure and presence, and 
courageous in spirit, he still seemed to lack all other 
characteristics of a military leader. Though open 
and frank in his manner, he was irritable in temper, 
and blindly self-willed and obstinate in maintaining 
his opinions. 





CHAPTER VIII. 

COCKEREL AND AURAY. 

1 364-1 365. 

The Captal de Buch joins Charles the Bad — The battle of Cocherel 
— Du Guesclin defeats the English and Navarrese — Results of 
the victory — The Dauphin crowned as Charles V. — Du Guesclin's 
success in Normandy — He aids Charles de Blois — Death of his 
father — The battle of Auray — Defeat and death of Charles de 
Blois — Du Guesclin a prisoner — Treaty of Guerande. 

SIR JEAN GRAILLY, the Captal de Buch, was 
the son of Jean Grailly and Blanche de Foix.* 
He was a person of pleasing presence and man- 
ner, of fine physique, fond of the chase, and very 
expert in arms. After Poitiers, in which he took 
part, he spent much time at the court of the Black 
Prince in Aquitaine. 

On his arrival in Normandy, when sent by Ed- 
ward III. to join Charles the Bad, he immediately 
began to assemble forces in the vicinity of Evreux. 
From the neighbouring garrisons and from lower 

* The family of Grailly were lords of la teste de Buch, and 
from the Gascon Cap, the same as the French tete, they took the title 
" Captal." The family of Grailly, with that of Albret, controlled at 
this time the greater part of Gascony. 

134 



1364-65] Cockerel and Auray. 135 

Normandy he gathered a considerable body of 
troops; while Sir John Jouel, the notorious Eng- 
lish freebooter, collected the English men-at-arms 
of the Free Companies which were in that vicinity, 
and the Bishop of Avranches summoned such Bre- 
ton forces as he could control. In a short time a 
body of nearly seven hundred lances, three hundred 
archers, and five hundred foot-soldiers, was gath- 
ered under his command. The contingent of the 
Navarrese forces was under the Bascon de Mareuil, 
one of the dependents of Charles of Navarre. 

On Tuesday, the 14th of May, the Captal de Buch 
gathered his forces between Evreux, Pacy, and Ver- 
non. He had been aware that Du Guesclin had been 
assembling an army in the vicinity of Rouen, and 
was soon to move forward. In the hope of prevent- 
ing the French from crossing the Seine, he moved 
his army on Wednesday, the 15th of May, in the 
direction of Pont de I'Arche. As they passed be- 
yond Evreux, his scouts encountered an . English 
herald, named Falcon, whom the Captal de Buch 
had previously known. He demanded of him whence 
he came, and if he had news of the French. ** Yes, 
in God's name, Monseigneur," replied Falcon. " I 
came from their camp this morning. They seek you, 
and desire greatly to find you." " Where are 
they ? " inquired the Captal. " Are they on this side 
of Pont de I'Arche ? " " By my faith, Sire," said 
Falcon, " they have passed the Pont de I'Arche, 
and are not far from Pacy." " Tell me, I pray 
you, good Falcon," the Captal inquired, " how 
many men have they, and what captains ? " " By 
my faith, Sire, they have fifteen hundred combat- 



136 Bertrand du Guesdin. [1364- 

ants, and all are good soldiers. There are Bertrand 
du Guesclin, whose Bretons form the largest com- 
pany, the Comte d'Auxerre, the Vicomte de Beau- 
mont, Louis de Chalons, le Sire de Beaujeu, the 
master of the cross-bows,* The Arch-Priest, f and 
the Sire Oudart de Renty. There are also men-at- 
arms from your own country of Gascony, the people 
of Lord d'Albret, Petition de Carton, and Perducas 
d'Albret. There are also Amanien de Pommiers 
and the Souldich de la Trau. % On hearing the 
name of the Gascons, the Captal was astonished, 
and with reddenning face, he said, " Falcon, is it 
true that the Gascons, whose names you have men- 
tioned with those of the people of d'Albret, are 
there ? " " Sire," said the herald, " upon mine 
oath they are there ! " " Ah, well ! ' ' exclaimed 
the Captal angrily, placing his head between his 
hands, ' ' by Saint Antoine ! Gascons will prove them- 
selves against Gascons." After a moment's pause 
he asked, "And where, then, is the Sire d'Albret ? " 
*' Sire," replied Falcon, "he is with the new King 
who is on his way to Rennes, and who is to be 
crowned on Sunday next." The Captal said hasti- 
ly, " Falcon, if God and Saint George aid us, I will 
be able to take them before their coronation." A 
herald from The Arch-Priest at this time desired to 
be heard ; but the Captal de Buch declined to receive 
him, and said to Sir John Jouel, " The Arch-Priest 
is such a traitor, that, if he sends a herald to us here, 

* Sir Baudoin d'Annequin. 

f Arnaud de Cervolle, called "The Arch-Priest," since, with his 
temporal title, he enjoyed the rights of Arch- Priest of Vannes, in the 
diocese of Perigoux. 

\ Souldich was a title equivalent to patron. 




BATTLE OF COCHEREL. MAY 16, 1364. 



A Du Guesclin's First Position. 

B. The Captal de Buch's First Position. 

C. The Captal de Buch's Second Position. 



Du Guesclin's Second Position. 
Du Guesclin's Cavalry Reserve. 



1365] Cockerel and Auray. 137 

it is to learn the number of our forces. I shall pay- 
no attention to his message." 

The two armies approached within a short dis- 
tance of each other, and took up positions. The 
Captal de Buch, not knowing whether Du Guesclin 
threatened Evreux, Pacy, or Vernon, drew up his 
forces at a point from which he could easily move 
to the assistance of each place. He selected an 
eminence with precipitous sides, upon the bank of 
the river Eure, near a bridge communicating with 
the two branches of an old route to Vernon and 
Evreux. To the commandant of the latter place he 
sent for reenforcements, and received one hundred 
and twenty soldiers, hired among the young men of 
the village. 

Du Guesclin was none the less cautious and judi- 
cious in selecting a position. He kept well informed 
of the movements of the English and Navarrese 
forces, and learned that they were drawn up upon 
the hill of Cocherel, to await his coming. He 
accordingly extended the left of his line to the Ab- 
bey of Croix Saint Leufroy, and rested his right on 
the bank of the Iton, a tributary of the Eure, and 
encamped his forces between the two streams. On 
the following morning, Thursday, the i6th of May, 
the Captal de Buch, evidently remembering the 
formation of the English forces at the battle of Poi- 
tiers, drew up his army in a similar manner, with 
two wings of foot-soldiers and archers supported by 
dismounted men-at-arms, whose horses were in readi- 
ness for use, while protected by the waggons and 
baggage and a wood in their rear. He divided his 
forces into three nearly equal divisions. The first, 



138 Bertrand du Guesclin. [1364- 

consisting mainly of archers, was under command 
of Sir John Jouel; the second was commanded by 
himself, and consisted of Norman gentlemen and 
the partisans of the King of Navarre ; while the 
third, composed of the mercenaries and the Navar- 
rese contingent, was under command of the Bascon 
de Mereuil. The three divisions were drawn up at 
a short distance from each other in front of the hill. 
He planted his banner at his right in full view of 
the field, in the centre of a thicket of hawthorn, 
with sixty men-at-arms to guard it, that it might 
serve as a rallying-point in the confusion of action. 

While these dispositions were being made, a 
council of the leaders of the French forces was held, 
to arrange the plan of attack and to choose a leader. 
The Comte d'Auxerre was asked to take command, 
but declined, saying, that, while ready to risk all in 
the combat himself, with leaders so able as Du Gues- 
clin, and experienced in so many battles, he consid- 
ered that the best chevaliers in the army should be 
chosen to lead. 

Du Guesclin was unanimously chosen, and they 
adopted as their cry ''Notre Dame! Guesclin I " 
No sooner was he placed in command, than he took 
possession of the bridge of Cocherel, and moved his 
army from the left to the right bank of the Eure. 
His troops were drawn up in three columns, com- 
manded respectively by himself, the Comte d'Au- 
xerre, and Sir Louis de Chalons. A body of two 
hundred Breton and Gascon mounted men-at-arms 
was held in reserve, under Sir Eustace de la Hussoie. 

The Captal de Buch was unwilling to leave his 
strong position and move to the attack; while Du 



1365] Cockerel and Auray. 139 

Guesclin, avoiding the fatal error of John II. at 
Poitiers, in attacking his enemy in an almost impreg- 
nable position, sought to draw him from it. This 
he was unable to do, and, after two days' waiting, 
attempted by a ruse to induce him to leave it. 
Ordering his army to take its baggage and cross the 
bridge, he drew away from the river on the opposite 
side. The ruse succeeded. Sir John Jouel, seeing 
the French troops crossing to the other side and 
apparently retreating, hastened to the Captal de 
Buch, and said, " Sire, do you not see that the 
French are fleeing. Let us follow them." The 
Captal de Buch was also deceived, and declined 
to accept the counsel of one of his experienced men- 
at-arms, who urged that it was but a ruse to draw 
him from his position. He immediately gave orders 
to follow the French forces. Du Guesclin watched 
his approach until he had advanced sufficiently far, 
when he ordered his army to face about and form in 
line of battle. The Captal de Buch was thus de- 
prived of his advantage of position, and was com- 
pelled to fight in the open field. 

The attack was promptly made, and the battle 
raged with great-fury; the war-cry of the English 
and Navarrese, " St. George ! Navarre ! " mingling 
with that of the French, ''Notre Dame ! Guesclin ! " 

The Captal de Buch maintained his ground for 
hours, though hard pressed by Du Guesclin, until 
the body of mounted men-at-arms, which Du Gues- 
clin had held in reserve for the purpose, was ordered 
to attack his flank and rear. This movement, exe- 
cuted with great skill by Sir Eustace de la Houssoie, 
was irresistible, and, pressed in front and rear, the 



140 Bertrand du Guesclin. [1364- 

forces of the Captal de Buch were thrown into con- 
fusion. A large number were slain, and the remain- 
der compelled to surrender or take to flight. Their 
leader, with barely fifty men-at-arms around him, 
struggled to the last, but was forced to yield him- 
self a prisoner to a Breton squire named Roland 
Bodin. His loss amounted to not less than eight 
hundred combatants, slain and made prisoners, 
among those killed being Sir John Jouel and the 
Bascon de Mereuil. The French lost between 
thirty and forty chevaliers and squires in killed, 
among whom were the Vicomte de Beaumont, Sir 
Baudoin d' Annequin (master of the cross-bows), Jean 
de Bethincourt, and Lord de Villequier.* 

The Arch-Priest had withdrawn with his followers 
to the Pont de I'Arche at the commencement of the 
battle, under pretence of assisting the French at any 
point hard pressed. In reality he was a treacher- 
ous ally, and his action was governed by an inten- 
tion to throw his fortune with the victorious party. 

Immediately after the victory at Cocherel, Du 
Guesclin learned of the approach of a body of 
Navarrese consisting of one hundred and twenty 
lances, led by a squire from Nonancourt, near Pacy. 
He immediately attacked them, and by a well exe- 
cuted movement completely surrounded them ; and 
in the struggle which followed a large number were 
slain, and the remnant taken prisoners. 

With his prisoners he went first to Pont de I'Arche, 
and later to Rouen. As Charles the Dauphin was 
to be crowned king at Rheims on Sunday, the 19th 

* Luce, Hist, de Bert, du Guesclin, p. 451, ref. Bibl. Nationale 
MS. fr. No. 4987, fo. 90 V. 



1365] Cockerel and Aur ay. 141 

of May, three days after the victory just won, Du 
Guesclin was anxious to communicate the news 
of so important a success. He accordingly de- 
spatched Thibaud de la Riviere, one of his own 
company of Bretons, and a sergeant-at-arms of the 
King, Thomas Lalemant, to convey the tidings. 
Charles was resting at the abbey of Saint Mard de 
Soissons on the evening of the i8th of May, the 
day previous to his coronation, when he received 
the messengers of Du Guesclin. It was a most 
encouraging piece of intelligence. He was crowned 
king as Charles V., at Rheims, and entered earn- 
estly into the duties which devolved upon him. He 
had received a stern training during the previous ten 
years, which had fitted him in many respects for 
his arduous task. He was now in his twenty-eighth 
year. Impressive in figure and stature, he was quiet 
in manner, self-possessed, and thoughtful. His face 
was pleasing, and his brown eyes expressive. His 
habits of life were temperate. Possessing no mili- 
tary talent or fondness for the field, it was said that 
after the battle of Poitiers, in which he took part, 
he never again put on his armour. In the conduct 
of his military affairs he was guided by the advice 
of those whom he placed in command, and whom he 
chose on account of well-recognised military talents. 
After his coronation he returned to Paris, and, 
with his council, reviewed the condition of affairs. 
Summoning Du Guesclin for a conference, he showed 
his appreciation of his services in his recent victories, 
and especially of the important event of Cocherel, 
by investing him, on the 27th of May, with the rich 
county of Longueville, and title of " Comte de 



142 Bertrand du Guesclin. [1364- 

Loncrueville. " He also constituted him Mardchal 

o 

of the duchy of Normandy. Of the prisoners taken 
at Cocherel, the most important were placed by 
Du Guesclin in the hands of the King. 

The Captal de Buch was sent to Meaux, and 
others elsewhere, for safe keeping. Pierre de Se- 
quainville, being a subject of the King of France, 
was beheaded for treason. 

Charles V., having learned of the extensive rav- 
ages of the Free Companies in Normandy, and by 
the garrisons of those castles which were held by 
the sympathisers of Charles of Navarre, sent the 
Due de Bourgogne, his brother, with a considerable 
force to quiet these disturbances and punish the 
perpetrators of the outrages. Dividing his forces 
into three divisions, he took command of the first ; 
while the second was placed under Sir Jean de la 
Riviere ; and to Du Guesclin was assigned the third 
division, which consisted principally of the troops 
which he had commanded at Cocherel. Du Gues- 
clin moved forward toward the frontier, which it was 
his duty to watch. He prepared to lay siege to 
Valougnes, but, before reaching the town, was 
attacked in ambush by a force under Sir Guillaume 
Boitel. He defeated the attacking party; one 
hundred and forty of their number being slain, and 
the remnant taking refuge in the town of Valougnes. 
The inhabitants were so terrified at his approach, 
that they made but a slight resistance until he 
reached the donjon, which consisted of a very 
strong tower. 

Its garrison resisted all attempts to carry it by 
assault. Du Guesclin's endeavor to effect a breach 




CHARLES V. CLE SAGE) 



1365] Cockerel and Auray. 1 43 

by engines casting heavy stones failed, as did his 
effort at mining, since the castle was built upon a 
foundation of rock. A desperate assault also failed, 
but Du Guesclin notified the governor that he would 
not leave the castle until he had taken it. The cas- 
tellan, knowing his determination, and fearing as to 
the result, should he compel Du Guesclin to carry 
out his threat, offered to surrender the castle on 
consideration of the payment of a sum of money. 
This Du Guesclin declined, and assured him that he 
would take it without paying a single denier. The 
castellan then proposed to surrender, on condition 
that the lives and property of the garrison should 
be spared. This was accepted, and the garrison 
evacuated the castle on the following day. While 
the siege of Valougnes was progressing, Carentan 
was besieged and taken by Sir Walter de Mauny. 
After the fall of Valougnes, Du Guesclin besieged 
Pont de Doune, a strongly fortified town. A vio- 
lent assault was unsuccessful. The town was de- 
fended by an English knight of much experience 
and skill. Sir Hugh Calverly. Du Guesclin decided 
to push a mine beneath the walls and under a 
strongly fortified church, which constituted an im- 
portant part of the defences. 

The mine was conducted with much secrecy, and 
was only discovered after it had passed beneath the 
walls. Sir Hugh Calverly at once began a counter- 
mine, which met the mining party of the French. 
Du Guesclin, entering the mine with one hundred 
of his men-at-arms, attacked and killed the counter- 
mining party of the garrison, and, entering the 
church with his war-cry of * ' Notre Dame ! Gues- 



144 Bertrand du Guesclin. [i364- 

clin ! ' ' compelled a speedy surrender of the garri- 
son. Sir Hugh Calverly and the English leaders 
were spared, but the Norman and Navarrese leaders 
were executed in the market-place. 

Du Guesclin immediately made preparations to 
besiege Saint Sauveur le Vicomte ; but, before his 
preparations were completed, he received communi- 
cations from Charles de Blois to come, with all his 
force, to aid him in raising the siege of Auray in 
Brittany. Charles V. at the same time sent letters 
to him directing him to go to the aid of Charles de 
Blois, and sent the Marechal de Boucicaut to as- 
sume the duty of guarding the Norman frontier.* 

These orders from Charles V. were gladly received 
by Du Guesclin, who had ever looked upon Charles 
de Blois as his natural sovereign; and his love for 
his native Brittany was an additional stimulus to 
his ardent nature to exert its energies for her 
deliverance. 

As soon as John de Montfort learned of the 
preparations which Charles de Blois was making 
against him, he appealed to Sir John Chandos and 
other English knights of Aquitaine to come to his 
aid. The Black Prince made no objection to the 
appeal; and Sir John Chandos, taking two hundred 
lances and two hundred archers, joined the forces 
of De Montfort. 

Charles de Blois issued orders for the assembly of 
his forces at Guingamp. Hardly had Du Guesclin 
commenced his march to the rendezvous, when he 
received tidings of the fatal illness of his father. 
Placing the Comte d'Auxerre in command of his 

* Froissart, Liv. I., Part II., chap, clxxxi., p. 489. 



1365] Cockerel and Aur ay. 145 

forces, and accompanied by his brother Olivier, he 
repaired with all haste to the old Chateau of Motte- 
de-Broons. 

The arrival of his son reanimated for the moment 
the rapidly failing powers of the dying man ; and, as 
Bertrand entered the chamber of death, his father 
exclaimed, " My dear son, I have prayed for the 
consolation of seeing you once more before I pass 
away, and I thank God that he permits me to die 
in your arms; I thank him for the satisfaction of 
seeing you conquering and victorious; that which 
renders my happiness most complete is, that, since 
God has favoured you with his aid, and preserved 
you amid so many dangers, you have lived in his 
favour and love. I pray you with my whole heart 
to keep ever within his gracious favour, and by his 
grace that you remember that all honour and suc- 
cess in this world are transitory, but the glory which 
you may acquire by your virtues will be eternal." 

These are solemn words; and Bertrand, over- 
whelmed with tears, could make no reply. The 
old man then charged him to be a father to his 
brothers and sisters, and directed them to look to 
and obey him as such, and with a benediction he 
passed away. 

The sad duties of burial over, Du Guesclin re- 
turned to his command in the forces of Charles de 
Blois, and to join in raising the siege of Auray, 
which was surrounded by the troops of De Montfort. 

Charles de Blois had marched from Guingamp to 
Castle Josselin, where he gathered his entire forces, 
which numbered four thousand men of all arms. 
Many distinguished chevaliers were present, among 



146 Bertrand du Guesclin. ii364- 

whom were Du Guesclin, the Comte d'Auxerre 
(The Green Knight*), Olivier de Mauny, Eustace 
de la Houssoie, the Vicomte de Rohan, Lord de 
Beaumanoir, Guillaume de Launoy, Charles de 
Dinan, Eves de Mauny, and other distinguished 
chevaliers. Before Charles de Blois had left Castle 
Josselin, a herald from John de Montfort came to 
him, bearing a proposition to settle the dispute 
without resort to arms. The plan suggested was the 
equal division of the duchy between them, each to 
bear the title of " Due " ; and in case John de Mont- 
fort were to die without direct heirs, that the entire 
duchy should pass to the heirs of Charles de Blois. 
This proposition was rejected by the Comtesse de 
Blois on the ground that it would admit a doubt of 
her title. Du Guesclin was inclined to consider that 
the proposition came from fear as to the ultimate 
result of the contest; and he advised Charles de 
Blois to send back answer that John de Montfort 
should raise the siege within four days or be pre- 
pared for a battle, f 

Charles de Blois marched his army from Castle 
Josselin to the abbey of Louvaux, and took a posi- 
tion in a park which was enclosed and separated 
from the town of Auray by a small stream only. 
The Comte de Montfort was anxious to attack him 
at once ; but Lord de Clisson and Sir Robert Knolles 
advised against it, on the ground that the park was 
a strong position. Sir John Chandos also agreed 
with this opinion, and urged that De Montfort 

* Sir Hugues d'Auxerre, so called on account of the colour of his 
armour, 
\ Cuvelhier, v. 5540. 



1365] Cockerel and Aur ay. 147 

should wait for Charles de Blois to open the bat- 
tle.* The latter, confident in the strength of his 
forces, was anxious to do so ; but, Du Guesclin urged 
him to hold the position which he occupied, since 
it gave him a great advantage over an attacking 
force. 

On Sunday, the 24th of September, 1364, Charles 
de Blois, under directions from Du Guesclin, divided 
his army into three general divisions, with a rear- 
guard. The largest division was placed under com- 
mand of Charles himself, with a number of the lords 
and barons ; a second was commanded by Du Gues- 
clin; while the third was placed under the joint 
command of the Comtes d'Auxerre and de Joigny. 
The rear-guard was commanded by Lord de Roye. 
The total force amounted to nearly four thousand 
fighting men. 

The army of De Montfort was arranged in a sim- 
ilar order, by direction of Sir John Chandos. The 
forces of De Montfort numbered about three thou- 
sand. Of the first division, Sir Robert Knolles was 
given command; Lord Olivier de Clisson, of the 
second; and John de Montfort, with Sir John Chan- 
dos, commanded the third ; while the rear-guard was 
placed under the leadership of Sir Hugh Calverly. 
To the latter command Sir Hugh Calverly objected, 
claiming his right to fight at the front ; and an almost 
angry discussion followed between Sir John Chandos 
and Sir Hugh, until Chandos exclaimed, " Sir 
Hugh, it is either you or I who must take this 
duty: think whom it will best become." " Truly, 
sire," replied Calverly, confused by these words, 

* Cuvelhier, vv. 5805-5821. 



148 Bertrand du Guesclin. [1364- 

" I know well that you would demand nothing of 
me which would affect my honour. I will willingly 
do this, since so it is. " * This arrangement was 
accordingly adopted. 

Efforts to avert the battle by negotiations had 
failed. To a last effort by Lord de Beaumanoir, 
Sir John Chandos replied: " I advise you to come 
here no more, for my soldiers say that they will kill 
you if they can capture you. Say to my lord 
Charles de Blois, that, whatever may betide, my lord 
John de Montfort desires to do battle and to have 
no treaties of peace; and he further says that he 
will this day be Due de Bretagne, or die upon the 
field, "t Lord de Beaumanoir replied, " Chandos, 
Chandos ! my lord has as great a wish to fight as my 
lord John de Montfort, and so have all his follow- 
ers." Turning away, he returned to Charles de 
Blois to report the results of the interview. 

Charles de Blois was impatient to commence the 
battle, and was unwilling to listen to the counsel of 
Du Guesclin, that he remain in the park, holding his 
troops in close order, and wait for an attack by De 
Montfort. He especially advised against crossing 
the little stream which ran between his position 
and Auray. The impatience of Charles de Blois, 
however, aided by the advice of some of his more 
impetuous leaders, decided him in favour of draw- 
ing out from his position, crossing the stream, and 
marching against his opponents, in close order of 
battle. The troops of De Montfort advanced in 
similar order. The division led by Du Guesclin 

*Froissart, Liv. I., Part II., p. 492. 
f Idem., p. 493. 



1365] Cockerel and Aur ay. 149 

was engaged with that commanded by Sir Thomas 
Knolles ; Charles de Blois led his division against that 
commanded by the Comte de Montfort. A fierce 
struggle ensued. The division led by Charles de 
Blois successfully met that of De Montfort, and, 
gaining advantage in the struggle, De Montfort's 
forces were confused, and his banner struck down by 
The Green Knight. De Montfort, feeling that he 
was defeated, began to retire from the field, when Sir 
Hugh Calverly, commanding the rear-guard, which 
he had held in reserve, came to the aid of De Mont- 
fort, and stayed his retreat. 

The division commanded by De Clisson had been 
attacked by that led by the Comte d'Auxerre. 
After a severe conflict, D'Auxerre was wounded in 
the left eye by the stroke of a battle-axe, and 
taken prisoner. By the assistance of Sir Hugh Cal- 
verly, De Clisson was enabled to compel the retreat 
of this division. At this time a strong body of 
troops, led by Sir John Chandos, attacked the divis- 
ion commanded by Du GuescHn. He fought " like 
an enraged lion," and, assailing the English with his 
battle-axe, " struck them down like dogs." He 
was attacked on every side, his ranks broken, and 
was finally beaten to the ground, but was hastily 
raised by The Green Knight, Charles de Dinan, and 
De la Houssoie, Continuing to fight until he was 
left with but a few of his followers around him, with 
no weapon remaining, he finally surrendered to one 
of the squires of Sir John Chandos. The division 
of Charles de Blois, now overwhelmed by numbers, 
suffered great slaughter. Rallying around the stand- 
ard of their leader, they fought until he and most of 



150 Bertrand du Guesclin. [1364- 

them had been slain. The slaughter continued in 
the pursuit, which was followed for a long distance. 
Of the killed were over nine hundred men-at-arms, 
among whom were the Lords de Rochefort, Aven- 
gour and Guergoulay; the Lords de Beaumanoir, 
de Rohan, Rais, and Reux, with Du Guesclin and 
the Comte d'Auxerre were taken prisoners.* 

After the battle, the Comte de Montfort made 
public acknowledgment of his indebtedness to Sir 
John Chandos for the success of his conduct of the 
battle. At this point he was informed of the death 
of Charles de Blois, of which he had been ignorant. 
He was much overcome by this intelligence, and 
ordered that his body be conveyed with all honour 
to Guingamp, where it was interred. 

The result of this battle, so disastrous to Charles 
de Blois, was, without doubt, due to his neglect of 
the advice of Du Guesclin. With a force superior in 
numbers to that of his adversary, and led by cheva- 
liers of great skill and courage, and especially hav- 
ing the advantage of a position which could only be 
assailed at a great disadvantage by an attacking 
force, the fortune of the day should have been with 
him; but in leaving his position, contrary to the 
sage advice of Du Guesclin, he opened his line to an 
attack by the rear-guard of the forces of De Montfort, 
under Sir Hugh Calverly, which proved disastrous 
to him, at the moment when the victory was within 
his grasp. 

The outcome of this battle decided the question 
of succession to the duchy of Brittany, and immedi- 
ately afterward the Castle of Auray surrendered to 
* Froissart, Liv. I., Part II., p. 496. 



1365] 



Cockerel and A uray, 151 



the Comte de Montfort. He then proceeded to 
besiege Jugon and Dinan, which he captured after 
a most determined defence. 

Charles V., anxious to quiet affairs in Brittany, 
sent commissioners to John de Montfort to arrange 
a treaty of peace between him and Jeanne la Boi- 
teuse, the widow of Charles de Blois. De Montfort 
sought the advice of Edward III., who counselled 
him to make a generous provision for the Comtesse 
de Blois, but not to yield to any proposal for a divis- 
ion of the duchy. The negotiations were protracted 
and unsatisfactory, and it was not until the 13th of 
April, 1365, that a treaty was finally signed at 
Guerande. This provided that the Comte de Mont- 
fort should hold the title of " Due de Bretagne " 
during his lifetime, and, in the event of his death 
without male issue, that the title to the duchy should 
revert to the oldest son of the Comtesse de Blois, and 
that she should hold the title of Duchesse de Bre- 
tagne during her life. She was to retain the county 
of Penthievre and the vicounty of Limoges ; her sons, 
John and Guy, were to be freed at the expense of 
De Montfort and she was to receive an annuity of 
ten thousand livres from the possessions of the 
Comte de Montfort. 

The treaty of Guerande terminated the long and 
bitter strife which had, for more than twenty years, 
subjected Brittany to one of the saddest of wars. 



CHAPTER IX. 

THE CAMPAIGN IN SPAIN — NAVARRETE. 
I365-1368. 

Treaty between Charles V. and Charles the Bad — Release of the 
Captal de Buch — Ransom of Du Guesclin — Charles V. and the 
Free Companies — Sir Hugh Calverly — Du Guesclin leads the Free 
Companies from France — Visits Urban V. — Affairs in Spain — 
Peter the Cruel and Henry of Trastamara — Du Guesclin crosses 
the Pyrenees — His continuous successes — The fall of Burgos — 
Henry crowned King of Castile — Du Guesclin made Count of 
Trastamara — Peter retreats into Gallicia — Expedition of the 
Black Prince — Du Guesclin visits France — His return — The 
battle of Navarrete — Defeat of Henry — Du Guesclin a prisoner — 
Henry visits France. 



WHILE the treaty of Gu^rande ended the 
struggle for the succession of Brittany, it 
by no means settled all the questions which were 
agitating France. Charles the Bad had yet his 
peace to make with Charles V. It is true, that in 
the battle of Cocherel, Du Guesclin had nearly anni- 
hilated his army, had captured its commanding 
officer, the Captal de Buch, and had previously 
taken from him the greater part of his most import- 
ant strongholds. This placed him in a condition, 

152 



1365-68] The Campaign in Spain. 153 

where he was anxious to secure himself against fur- 
ther humiliation by Charles V. 

Through the influence of his sister, Blanche de 
Navarre, widow of Philippe de Valois, and that of 
his aunt Jeanne, the widow of Charles the Fair, 
Charles V. was induced to listen to the requests 
of the Captal de Buch and enter into negotiations 
for a peace.* These led to the release of the Cap- 
tal de Buch without ransom, and Charles V. pre- 
sented him with the Castle of Nemours, for which 
he acknowledged Charles V. as his sovereign. On 
his return to the Black Prince, however, he receded 
from his agreement, and withdrew his claim to the 
Castle of Nemours, and resumed his devotion to the 
cause of the English. 

After the defeat at Auray, Du Guesclin and others 
were taken by Sir John Chandos to Niort in Poitou, 
at which place they were soon ransomed. That of 
Du Guesclin was fixed at the sum of one hundred 
thousand francs. This amount exceeded his means 
of payment, and shows how important he was con- 
sidered by his captors. He was aided in securing 
this sum by Charles V. and Pope Urban V. and also 
by Henry of Trastamara, who was desirous of ob- 
taining his aid in his struggle to dethrone Peter the 
Cruel of Spain. 

The assistance given by Charles carried with it 
some hard conditions, one of which was that Du 
Guesclin should consent to lead the Free Companies 
out of France. 

Since the commencement of his reign, Charles 
had waged an incessant warfare against these plun- 

* Froissart, Liv. I., Part II., p. 502. 



154 Bertrand du Guesclin. [1365- 

derers and disturbers of the peace of his kingdom. 
It was now his purpose to remove them entirely 
from it by securing the aid of Du Guesclin for its 
accomplishment. Charles does not seem to have 
considered the welfare of his neighbours, in attempt- 
ing to rid his own kingdom of this scourge by turn- 
ing it loose upon others. To his proposition Du 
Guesclin assented, and undertook the task.* A 
council was held by Charles V. to consider methods 
of securing the withdrawal of the Free Companies 
from France, at which Du Guesclin was present, and 
stated that he had desired to join the King of 
Cyprus in his war against the infidels, and if he 
could obtain an interview with their leaders, he 
would induce the Free Companies to join in the 
effort of the King of Cyprus. The plan was fa- 
voured by Charles V. and his counsellors, and Du 
Guesclin immediately sent a herald to the Free 
Companies, requesting a council of their leaders, 
and a safe-conduct for himself to meet them. The 
leaders were gathered at Chalons, where the herald 
found them. 

Among them were f Sir Hugh Calverly, The 
Green Knight, Nicholas Escamboune, Mathew de 
Gournay, Robert Scot, Walter Huet, the Bourg de 
Pierre, Sir John Devereux, and other prominent 
leaders of the lawless bands. Most prominent 
among them was Sir Hugh Calverly. Of the ad- 
venturers of the fourteenth century, he was one of 
the most striking figures and characters. He is 
described as being a giant in size and strength, with 

* Froissart, Liv. I., Part II., p. 504. 
f Cuvelhier, v. 7175. 



1368] The Campaign in Spain. 155 

prominent cheek bones, a red face, and red hair ; his 
teeth were long and projecting, and his general 
appearance was somewhat savage. He had a repu- 
tation for " eating as much as four men, and drink- 
ing as much as ten." In battle he was extremely 
cool, and yet bold in his movements. In spite of 
these characteristics, he was very precise in all out- 
ward observances of the practices of the Catholic 
Church.^ 

Such was the chief who met the herald from Du 
Guesclin, and who, to his inquiry and request for a 
meeting, replied : f " Upon my faith, gentle Herald, 
I certify to you that I will see Bertrand du Guesclin 
here, if the others are agreed, and, for my part, 
most willingly ; and, as God blesses me, I will give 
him some good wine. I can do so, for it did not 
cost me half a denier." 

Sir Walter Huet and The Green Knight each ex- 
pressed his desire that he should come, and all the 
others joined in swearing to give him a safe-conduct 
with no treachery. Under this, Du Guesclin came, 
and was warmly greeted by Calverly, who called him 
"friend and companion;" to which Du Guesclin 
replied " that he was no companion unless he would 
go where he desired to have him. ' ' To this Calverly 
replied: " Bertrand, by the Creator of the world, 
the best companion I will make you in every way, 
and will go wherever you desire, to fight the world, 
on this or the other side of the sea, except the 
Prince of Wales ; and I will never go against 
him, but will go with him, I have sworn to it." 

* Luce, p. 347. 

f Cuvelhier, v. 7201. 



156 Bertrand du Guesclin. [i365- 

" Sire," replied Bertrand, " I very much wish it„" 
Calverly then ordered the best of wine to be brought, 
and, after all had partaken, Du Guesclin laid his plan 
before them. He proposed that they should go 
with him out of France to aid the King of Cyprus 
against the infidels ; that he would lead them through 
Spain, which was a rich country, affording abund- 
ance of everything and the best of wines ; that if, 
on his way, he could punish Don Pedro for his cru- 
elties to his wife, he would do so ; he further stated 
that many well-known chevaliers. Sir Walter de 
Mauny, the Comte de la Marche, and others, had 
agreed to accompany him, and that the King of 
France would pay a sum of two hundred thousand 
florins toward their expenses, and that he would go 
by way of Avignon, and procure absolution for them 
and their followers from the Pope. 

He closed by saying, " For God's sake, let us be 
advised ! let us go against the infidels ! I will make 
you all rich, if you will follow my advice ; and we 
shall secure Paradise when we die." " Sire Ber- 
trand," said Calverly, " Saint Simon aiding me, I will 
never fail you. We will call each other companions, 
and never leave each other, not if the King of 
France do no evil nor make war against the Prince 
of Wales; for I am his subject, whom the Gascons 
and the soldiers of Guienne now sustain." 

The agreement between the leaders and Du Gues- 
clin was concluded. The men of some of the Com- 
panies were reluctant to promise, but general consent 
was finally secured. Du Guesclin, after the signing 
of the articles of agreement, went to Paris to com- 
municate the result to the King. Charles extended 



1368] The Campaign in Spain. 157 

an invitation to the leaders of the Free Companies 
to visit Paris under a safe-conduct, which had been 
promised by Du Gueschn. 

They accepted the invitation, and were sumptu- 
ously entertained by him. During the visit of the 
leaders of the Free Companies, other chevaliers, 
who intended to join the expedition, came to Paris. 
The rendezvous of the army was appointed at Cha- 
lons, and there gathered a force, which Froissart 
states to have amounted to thirty thousand men. 

Starting on their march, they directed their course 
toward Avignon, As they approached the city, 
Urban V., who was much frightened, sent one of 
his cardinals to threaten them with excommunica- 
tion unless they turned aside. He was met by Du 
Guesclin and some of the leaders, who, after hearing 
his message, desired him to return to the Pope and 
state that they were on their way to join the King 
of Cyprus in a war against the infidels, but, learning 
of his death, they had decided to make war upon 
the evil King of Granada, and before going they 
desired full absolution and a donation of two hun- 
dred thousand francs toward the expenses of the 
expedition. The Cardinal promised to carry this 
message to the Pope. The Pope readily promised 
the absolution, but demurred against paying the 
money, and endeavoured to raise it by a levy upon 
the people of the town ; but he was compelled by 
Du Guesclin to furnish the money out of his own 
treasury.* Having obtained what he had desired 
from Urban V., Du Guesclin marched with his forces 
to Toulouse, on his way to the Spanish frontier. 

* Cuvelhier, w. 7695 et seq. 



158 Bertrand du Guesclin. [1365- 

To understand the events and incidents of Du 
Guesclin's campaign in Spain, a brief glance at its 
condition at this period is necessary. Its affairs 
were in a pecuhar state during that part of the four- 
teenth century which this sketch covers. In 1324 
Alfonso XI. had succeeded to the throne of Castile, 
which, with Navarre, Aragon, Granada, and Portu- 
gal, constituted five petty kingdoms, lying in prox- 
imity to each other, and occupying the territory of 
this portion of Southern Europe. He had succeeded 
during his reign of twenty-six years in quelling the 
disturbances arising from the jealousies of his own 
nobles, and in uniting them against the neighbour- 
ing kingdom of Granada, where he had gained signal 
victories over the Moors, which were terminated by 
his death from the plague in 1350. 

He married Donna Maria of Portugal, by whom 
he had one son, Peter. He had another family, 
however, consisting of ten children, whose mother 
was Donna Leonora de Gutzman. Twin sons of 
this second family, Henry and Fadrique, were his 
special favourites. Their mother, Leonora, exer- 
cised a controlling influence over him ; so much so, 
that the Queen, Donna Maria, and Peter, her son, 
were absolutely neglected by him. Upon Henry he 
conferred the title of Count of Trastamara; and his 
brother Fadrique, when only ten years old, had been 
made Grand Master of St. lago, one of the highest 
military orders. 

These occurrences, and the studied injustice of 
his father toward him and his mother, developed in 
Peter to their fullest extent the traits of cruelty and 
hatred which were deeply implanted in his nature. 



1368] The Campaign in Spain. 159 

At the death of Alfonso XI., Peter succeeded him, 
being fifteen years of age, and with Httle previous 
training for the duties and responsibilities of the 
throne. He thus from inclination and necessity left 
the conduct of affairs to those who had been his 
father's trusted counsellors. Under the direction 
of these nobles, Leonora was successively impris- 
oned in several places, until she was finally put to 
death, by order of Maria, in the Castle of Tolavera. 

The Grand Chancellor and Treasurer, Albur- 
querque, aspired to control the government, and for 
a time was enabled to conduct affairs in accordance 
with his own desires, and, in order to turn Peter's 
attention as far as possible from the management of 
the government, interested him in his ward, Maria 
de Padilla, who was of noble descent. At the same 
time his mother and others were endeavouring to 
persuade him to marry Blanche de Bourbon, niece of 
John of France, to whom he was formally affianced. 

The efforts of Alburquerque to induce him to 
hasten the marriage succeeded, and the ceremony 
was performed June 3, 1353. Two days after the 
marriage he left his wife Blanche, and met Maria de 
Padilla at Montlavan. From this time the influence 
of Alburquerque waned, and he soon went into 
retirement. Peter undertook the conduct of his 
affairs, but was soon confronted with a formidable 
conspiracy, in which his mother, his bastard brothers 
Henry and Fadrique, with others, were the leaders. 
He was compelled to submit to this formidable 
organisation, and was imprisoned in the palace of 
the Bishop of Zamora, from which he succeeded in 
effecting his escape. The government, which was 



i6o Bertrand du Guesclin. [1365- 

badly conducted by the conspirators, quickly led 
the people to seek a change; and soon after his 
escape from the castle, he was enabled to rally to 
his support a force sufificient to insure his reinstate- 
ment at the head of affairs. 

After regaining power, his first thought was to 
revenge himself upon those who had caused his 
reverses. The execution of such of the nobles as 
fell within his power was immediate. His bastard 
brothers, Henry and Fadrique, endeavoured to 
maintain themselves against him, but were unable 
to do so. Henry escaped ; but Fadrique was taken 
prisoner, and after two years of confinement was 
put to death by Peter's orders. 

The years which followed are but a black record 
of crime. Every person who stood in the way of the 
achievement of any plan or desire was put to death. 
The unhappy Blanche, his wife, after eight years of 
confinement in various prisons, was poisoned in the 
Castle of Jerez in 1361. 

Henry of Trastamara, after his escape from Peter, 
was occupied for a period of several years in the war- 
like movements of France, especially with the Free 
Companies, and elsewhere. Early in 1362 he had 
instituted an effort to depose Peter and to succeed 
to the throne of Castile. He had gathered to his 
support a large number of knights and other follow- 
ers, and was on the eve of active movements when 
the efforts of Charles V. to lead the Free Companies 
out of Spain culminated. It was a time favourable 
for his attempt. The unfortunate Queen Blanche 
had been removed by the crime of Peter ; and this, 
with his career of cruelty, had alienated from him 



1368] The Campaign in Spain. i6i 

the affection of his subjects, and engendered a bitter 
hatred on the part of many of his nobles. Any 
change promising improvement in these respects 
found ready listeners and equally ready supporters. 

Peter recognised the dangers which beset him on 
every side, and viewed with special uneasiness the 
preparations which Henry was making against his 
throne. 

While at Toulouse Du Guesclin received an addi- 
tion to his forces, and then continued his march 
toward the Pyrenees. His ostensible object was to 
join in the war against the infidels ; but his primary 
intention undoubtedly was to lead the Free Compa- 
nies out of France, and to take part in the move- 
ments led by Henry of Trastamara to depose Peter 
the Cruel from the throne of Castile, and to punish 
him for his atrocities. What his full motives for 
this move might have been, cannot be stated ; but we 
may be assured that leading the Free Companies out 
of France into the rich provinces of Spain was one 
of the strongest. In addition to this, some weight 
must be given to the desire of the Due d'Anjou 
to secure the summary punishment of Peter for his 
cruel treatment of Blanche de Bourbon, his cousin ; 
and to the appeal for assistance in deposing Peter, 
which Henry had made. 

Crossing the Pyrenees with his army, he pushed 
into the kingdom of Aragon, where he openly de- 
clared his purpose of espousing the cause of Henry. 

To the King of Aragon his coming was welcome, 
for it relieved him from the hostile operations which 
Peter the Cruel was pressing against him. To Peter 
himself his arrival was most depressing, since he felt, 



1 62 Bertrand du Guesclin. [1365- 

that with little support assured from his nobles, and 
with no affection from his people, his only reliance 
for maintaining himself must be a policy of force 
and cruelty, upon which he had always depended. 
In the presence of a large and well-disciplined army, 
led by so able a soldier as Du Guesclin, he felt that 
his powers of resistance were indeed feeble. Du 
Guesclin had evaded all temptations to declare the 
main purpose of his expedition, until he had fully 
passed the frontiers of France, and had led the Free 
Companies out of that country. His policy in this 
respect is easily understood. The Free Companies 
contained a large proportion of English soldiers, 
who had been connected with the cause of Edward 
III., and had served under the Black Prince. A 
treaty between Edward III. and Peter the Cruel 
still remained in force ; and had Du Guesclin, while 
still in France, openly avowed his purpose of moving 
against Peter the Cruel, he would have incurred the 
opposition of the Black Prince, who undoubtedly 
would have dissuaded many of the most influential 
leaders of the Free Companies from joining him, on 
account of their alliance with the English cause. 

The King of Aragon was profuse in his readiness 
to furnish supplies of men and money to Du Gues- 
clin in the furtherance of his expedition. Seeking 
an early interview with Henry, Du Guesclin assured 
him that the objects of his expedition were to aid 
him in securing the throne of Castile, and to punish 
Peter for his cruelty to, and for the death of, the 
Queen, and to drive him from his kingdom. These 
assurances were most gladly received by Henry. 

On hearing of the arrival of Du Guesclin and his 



1368] The Campaign in Spain. 163 

intention of aiding Henry, Peter gave way to his 
fears, and shut himself up in the town of Burgos, a 
strongly fortified place. This he strengthened by 
additional defences. These events occupied the 
latter part of the year 1365. Du Guesclin, in the 
meantime, was making preparations in Aragon, in 
conjunction with Henry, to move against Peter. 
This he began to do early in 1366, and laid siege to 
Magalon, in which Peter had left a strong garrison. 
This town was taken after a stout resistance. Borja 
was next besieged and captured. After this event 
Du Guesclin was made Count of Borja, and received 
the city as a gift from the King of Aragon.* Pushing 
on with his army, he crossed the borders of Aragon, 
and advanced into Castile. He immediately attacked 
and carried by assault the town of Calaharra. At 
this point he was disposed to declare Henry king of 
Castile. To this Henry objected, though the lead- 
ing knights of the army of Aragon joined with those 
of Du Guesclin's forces in urging him to consent ; he 
was, however, proclaimed king by the army. 

Anxious to attack Peter, Du Guesclin continued 
his march toward Burgos. The strongly fortified 
town of Briviesca lay upon the route, and was 
besieged by Henry's forces. Refusing to acknowl- 
edge him as king, or to yield to his demands of sur- 
render, the place was attacked by a simultaneous 
assault upon all sides. So fiercely was the attack 
made and maintained, that the governor was com- 
pelled to surrender. 

* Cuvelhier, Vie de Du Guesclin^ v. 7980 et seq. Cuvelhier here 
mentions the forces of Du Guesclin as the White Company ("la 
blanche compagnie "), on account of the white cross which was worn 
by his followers. 



164 Bertrand du Guesclin. [i365- 

The loss of Briviesca was a great surprise and dis- 
appointment to Peter. From fugitives he learned 
of the impetuous valour of Du Guesclin and his 
forces, and was greatly terrified by them. His 
superstitious nature led him to ascribe something of 
the supernatural to him. The eagle, which Du 
Guesclin bore as a device upon his shield, recalled 
the prophecy of disaster to his throne " by an eagle 
crossing the Pyrenees from the north of France." 
He immediately prepared to flee from Burgos, in 
spite of the entreaties of the citizens that he should 
remain and sustain its defence. He hastily departed 
into Seville on the 28th of March, 1366. 

Learning of the King's flight, Du Guesclin imme- 
diately moved with all his forces to invest Burgos. 
On receiving information of his approach, the citi- 
zens decided to surrender the city without resistance, 
and to acknowledge Henry as king, upon the con- 
dition that their ancient franchises should be pre- 
served. This was granted, and on the day following 
the negotiations Henry entered the city. Great 
preparations for his reception had been made by the 
burgesses ; and Henry and Du Guesclin were met at 
a distance from the city and escorted to it by a long 
procession of the clergy, the burghers, and the ladies 
of Burgos. The Countess of Trastamara, his wife, 
on summons previously sent by Henry, had arrived, 
and was escorted into the city by Du Guesclin, the 
Mar^chal d'Audrehem, Sir Hugh Calverly, and 
others. Before the assembled people both Henry 
and the Countess acknowledged their obligation to 
Du Guesclin. On the following Sunday, Easter 
Sunday,* Henry was crowned king in the Monas- 

* Cuvelhier, v. 8905 et seq. 



1368] The Campaign in Spain. 165 

tery of Las Huelgas. During the festivities which 
followed, he displayed his gratitude to Du Guesclin 
by creating him Count of Trastamara, giving him 
the county, and conferring upon him the additional 
title of Duke of Molina. Sir Hugh Calverly was 
made Count of Carrion, and liberal gifts were con- 
ferred upon the other prominent leaders. Henry, 
not yet feeling secure in his kingdom, urged Du 
Guesclin and the leaders of the army to extend their 
conquests in his dominions, and insure them against 
danger from Peter, which, in the event of their 
withdrawal, he felt certain would be imminent. This 
they consented to do.* 

Moving on towards Toledo, Henry entered the 
city without opposition. On his route thither, and 
after his entry, he received from many towns a 
formal submission to his authority. After a brief 
stay in Toledo, he crossed into Andalusia in pursuit 
of Peter. Learning of his approach, Peter hastily 
embarked his treasures on an armed galley, with 
directions that they be taken to Tavisa in Portugal 
to await his own arrival. Sending his daughter, 
Donna Beatrice, to the King of Portugal, to whose 
son, Don Ferdinand, she had been afifianced, he was 
greatly depressed by the refusal of the King to 
receive her, and by his declining to consent to the 
contract of marriage. These increasing disasters 
led him to seek safety in Galicia, to reach which he 
was dependent upon the King of Portugal for a safe- 
conduct through his kingdom. When but part way, 
he was abandoned by his escort, and was compelled 
to pursue his course alone, which he succeeded in 
doing. 

* Cuvelhier, vv. 8985-9012 et seq. 



1 66 Bertrand du Guesclin, [I365- 

On reaching his dominions, a review of his forces 
and resources led him to conclude that he was 
unable to cope with the forces of Henry. He 
accordingly abandoned Galicia, and sailed from Co- 
runna with his daughters and treasure. Henry, in 
the meantime, had set out into Andalusia. His 
progress was without hostile opposition. On the 
contrary, he was most cordially received, and was 
accorded an enthusiastic welcome by the important 
towns of Cordova and Seville. By advice of Du 
Guesclin, he sent an envoy to the King of Portugal, 
in order to ascertain his feeling in regard to his 
struggle with Peter.* Sir Mathew Gournay, an 
English knight, was chosen for the mission. Reach- 
ing the Court of Portugal, he soon learned that the 
King was determined not to embroil himself in the 
quarrel, but to remain neutral. Sir Mathew re- 
turned to Henry with this information, and also 
that Peter had already passed through Portugal into 
his province of Galicia, and had sought the aid of 
the Black Prince. 

There being no longer a need for the maintenance 
of so large an army, Henry, desiring to relieve Spain 
from the presence of the Free Companies, made 
them liberal payments for their services, and dis- 
missed them. He, however, retained Du Guesclin 
and Sir Hugh Calverly, with their Breton and Eng- 
lish followers. He was anxious to relieve himself of 
the expense of maintenance of so large an army, and 
was especially desirous of getting rid of the Free 
Companies, whose expeditions for plunder and law- 
less conduct led them to be feared and dreaded by 
* Cuvelhier, vv. 9916 et seq. 



1368] The Campaign in Spain. 167 

the people of the country. It was a dangerous ele- 
ment, ever alert for any expedition promising ex- 
citement or booty, and ready to serve under any 
one who would insure them liberty to plunder. The 
rich country of Spain proved a most tempting field 
for these soldiers of fortune. 

With the forces at his command, Henry considered 
himself able to place the province of Galicia under 
subjection to himself. He laid siege to the fortified 
town of Lugo, into which De Castro, the commander 
of the forces of Peter, had withdrawn with his troops, 
and which he had considerably strengthened. He 
pushed the siege unsuccessfully for a period of two 
months, and then withdrew to Castile. This move 
was hastened by the necessity for preparation to 
meet the invasion then rendered probable by the 
inclination of the Black Prince to yield to the urgent 
entreaties of Peter for aid to recover his kingdom. 
Peter, impatient for a decision in his favour, sailed 
to Bayonne to seek a personal interview with the 
Black Prince, who met him soon after his arrival. 

Much question has been raised as to the reasons 
which influenced a prince of such high character as 
Edward to espouse the cause of a ruler of such 
infamous reputation as Peter, and one who was uni- 
versally detested by his people. Many have been 
disposed to attribute it entirely to a chivalric im- 
pulse to aid a fallen prince, but there are those who 
incline to the belief that envy of the rising fame and 
brilliant career of Du Guesclin was the strongest 
motive.* That both these were potent influences, 
there is little doubt. 

* Froissart, Liv. I., Part II., p. 514. 



1 68 Bertrand du Guesclin. [i365- 

On consultation with his most trusted counsellors, 
and with the approbation of Edward III. of Eng- 
land, his father, the Black Prince committed himself 
to the enterprise, and promised Peter aid, not only 
by military force, but also by the loan of money. 

He at once began to assemble a well-equipped 
army, and gathered from among the Free Companies 
a large force of skilled men-at-arms, a large propor- 
tion of whom were English and Gascon knights 
with their followers. As they were virtually his 
subjects, he was enabled to call them to his service 
from the employ and pay of Henry. His forces 
were further increased by accessions sent later 
by Edward HI. from England. 

Negotiations were entered into by the Black 
Prince with the King of Navarre to permit the pas- 
sage of his troops -through his possessions into Cas- 
tile. This could only be accomplished through the 
pass of Roncesvalles. 

Charles of Navarre had already signed a treaty 
with Henry to hold this pass closed against the 
Black Prince, and also to aid Henry with troops 
against Peter. With his characteristic perfidy, he 
broke his treaty with Henry, and for a consideration 
agreed to leave the pass open for the forces of the 
Black Prince. 

While these preparations against him were in pro- 
gress, Henry was by no means idle. In accordance 
with the suggestions of Du Guesclin, he prepared to 
guard the entrances of his kingdom, and consented 
that Du Guesclin should go to France in order to 
procure aid from that country. He accordingly 
crossed the Pyrenees, visited the Due d'Anjou, and 



1368] The Campaign in Spain. 169 

went thence directly to Paris to consult with Charles 
of France as to further procedure. He was most 
cordially received. 

Meanwhile the preparations of the Black Prince 
were completed, and his troops were restless for 
activity. Christmas having passed, he began his 
march across the Pyrenees, having been joined by 
the forces sent from England by Edward III., 
under command of the Duke of Lancaster. His 
possessions in Aquitaine were left under the super- 
vision and care of the Comte de Foix, an able 
guardian, well known for his business sagacity and 
military skill. 

With an army of nearly ninety thousand men of 
all arms, he began his march over the Pyrenees in 
February, 1367. Crossing the pass of Roncesvalles, 
he reached the opposite side, and halted briefly at 
Pampeluna. Henry had employed the time occu- 
pied by these movements of the Black Prince and 
Peter in the collection of a well-appointed army. 

After the Black Prince had crossed the Pyrenees, 
Henry moved his force across the river Ebro, and 
awaited the coming of Du Guesclin with reinforce- 
ments. These soon arrived, and consisted of nearly 
three thousand French troops, to which a number 
from Aragon had been added. With the French 
soldiers were the Mar^chal d'Audrehem, the Begue 
de Villaines,* and other skilful leaders. 

Henry was anxious to assume the offensive and 
risk a general battle. Against this Du Guesclin, 

* He was a poor gentleman of Beauce. He was a thorough sol- 
dier, and by his merit obtained the position of commandant. He 
died after 1394. 



170 Bertrand du Guesclin. ii365- 

D'Audrehem, and others of the French commanders, 
urged, stating that it was better to take a position, 
and await an attack by the forces of the Black 
Prince and Peter. With this opinion the leaders of 
his forces did not agree. They urged, that, if he did 
not take the initiative, his enemies would say that it 
was from fear, and he would thus lose the support 
of a number of his followers. This was probably 
suggested by the feeling existing against Peter on 
account of his cowardly acts, as he had been driven 
from his kingdom by want of courage to unite his 
people in his support and defend it. 

While Henry had decided to risk a general battle 
at the outset, he listened to the advice of Du Gues- 
clin as to the disposition of his forces. He accord- 
ingly moved to a position upon an elevation near 
the Castle of Zaldiaran, where, if attacked, it must 
be at a great disadvantage to the attacking party. 

After the Black Prince had crossed the' borders of 
Navarre, he took up a position near Burgos, and 
remained for a time, hoping that Henry would 
attack him. While he was thus located, Henry sent 
out detachments of troops to harass and capture his 
foraging parties, and to cut off his supplies. Provis- 
ions became scarce in the camp of the Black Prince. 
In the encounters between the detached parties of 
the forces of Henry and Edward, a number of vic- 
tories for those of Henry resulted. A force under 
his brother, Don Tello, attacked and routed a de- 
tachment of English under Sir Hugh Calverly, and 
forced him to flee for safety into the English camp, 
and then attacked the camp of the Duke of Lancas- 
ter, which they threw into disorder and withdrew. 



1368] The Campaign in Spain, 171 

Immediately following this, they encountered a 
reconnoitring party of over two hundred English 
men-at-arms under Sir Thomas Felton. This they 
attacked ; and the entire force was either slain or 
captured, Sir William Felton being among the killed. 

These encounters encouraged Henry still further 
in his decision to risk a general battle, and he ex- 
pressed his intention of doing so. Again the Mar6- 
chal d'Audrehem remonstrated with him, saying, 
" Sire! sire, I do not desire to dispute your words, 
but I wish to amend them slightly ; and I say to 
you that when you meet the Prince in battle, 
you will find with him men-at-arms who are the 
flower of the chivalry of the whole world ; and you 
will find them hardy, wise, and brave combatants, 
who would die where they stand rather than fly the 
field. But, if you will believe me, you can defeat 
them without striking a blow ; for, if you guard the 
roads and passes closely whereby they obtain their 
supplies, you can starve and defeat them. They 
will be compelled to retreat into their own country 
in disorder, and you will have them at your mercy." 

To this Henry replied, " Marechal, by the soul 
of my father ! I desire to see this Prince and prove 
my power against his. We cannot part without a 
battle, and God grant that I may have the right of 
it!"^- 

The scarcity of food, together with the fact that 
Henry remained in his strong position, led the 
Black Prince, with the concurrence of his leaders, 
to attempt to find some more favourable point from 
which to invade Castile. Withdrawing his army 

* Froissart, Liv. I., Part II., pp. 529-531. 



172 Bertrand du Guesclin. [1365- 

into Navarre, he marched his forces onward until he 
was able to again cross the Ebro upon a bridge near 
Logrono, and took up a position not far from the 
village of Navarrete. 

Henry, aware of his movements, left his posi- 
tion, recrossed the Ebro, and camped his troops 
opposite the position of the Black Prince, upon the 
steep banks of a tributary of the Ebro. 

He determined to cross the river and attack the 
forces of the Black Prince. Against this Du Gues- 
clin urged, and advised the strengthening of his 
position by ditches and other defences. He stated 
that the scarcity of provisions in the camp of Ed- 
ward was such that in three days he would be com- 
pelled to retreat, and they could then pursue him 
as they desired. 

To this advice great opposition was made by the 
Spanish nobles, who urged that fear, or lack of 
interest in the welfare of the King, suggested such 
counsels. To this du Guesclin replied * : 

Upon my word, if we fight to-morrow, I tell 
you truly we shall be defeated, and either killed or 
made prisoners. By the Omnipotent God! great 
mischief will fall upon the King and his people. But, 
for all that you have said, and basely reproached me, 
by the faith which I have in God and the Holy Sacra- 
ment, on the morrow we will give them battle, and 
you shall see whether I am a traitor or a coward! " 

On the following day, Saturday, April 3, 1367, 
drawing out from his position, Henry formed his 
lines in the open country near Navarrete, where he 
was confronted by the army of the Black Prince. 
* Cuvelhier, vv. 11383-11412. 



1368] The Campaign in Spain. 1 73 

Edward's forces, amounting to about forty thou- 
sand, were under command of Sir John Chandos, 
the Duke of Lancaster, the Comte d'Armagnac, and 
the Captal de Buch, with Edward himself and 
Peter. Henry's army consisted of about eighty 
thousand men of all arms, more than half of whom 
were foot-soldiers. 

Each army was divided into four divisions, and 
each division commanded by one of the most skil- 
ful of the leaders. 

The movements began early in the day, the brunt 
of the battle soon being dependent upon the men- 
at-arms, who, dismounting, advanced in close order 
against each other. The division led by Du Gues- 
clin, and that of the Duke of Lancaster, who was 
under the direction of Sir John Chandos, first met, 
each shouting its battle-cry, " Castile ! St. lago ! " 
and " Guienne ! St. George!'' The conflict was 
hand-to-hand with sword and battle-axe. So fiercely 
did Du Guesclin lead the fray, that the division 
under Sir John Chandos was forced back, and Sir 
John was beaten to the ground, and narrowly 
escaped being killed. At this important moment 
the division on the left of Du Guesclin, commanded 
by Don Tello, gave way before the division led by 
the Comte d'Armagnac without making any resist- 
ance. This allowed the Comte d'Armagnac to strike 
Du Guesclin on his left flank and rear; while the 
Captal de Buch, finding but feeble opposition from 
the division confronting him, which supported Du 
Guesclin's right, pressed in upon him. He was thus 
attacked in front and on both flanks simultaneously. 
Henry used his utmost efforts to restore order with 



174 Bertrand du Guesclin. [1365- 

the troops under his immediate command, and sev- 
eral times succeeded, but was forced to yield before 
the superior troops led by the Black Prince against 
him. 

Du Guesclin continued his struggle, in spite of the 
summons to surrender by Sir John Chandos, until, 
finding himself fighting almost alone, with many of 
his bravest followers slain around him, he listened 
to a second summons from the Black Prince, and 
yielded himself a prisoner. Peter the Cruel, who 
was present, immediately asked that Du Guesclin 
and the Marechal d'Audrehem should be delivered 
to him as his prisoners. This the Black Prince 
refused, knowing but too well the probable fate of 
two such brave warriors should they fall into such 
cruel and blood-thirsty hands. He placed Du Gues- 
clin under the care of the Captal de Buch, who 
shared his apartment with him.* 

The Marechal d'Audrehem, when recognised by 
the Black Prince, was accused by him of having 
broken his parole and his promise, and was accord- 
ingly denounced by him as a traitor and a liar who 
deserved death. This the Marechal denied with 
great dignity. The Black Prince explained that 
when the Marechal had been made a prisoner at 
Poitiers, he had given his pledge and oath to pay the 
ransom fixed, and that until it was paid he would 
not take arms against the Black Prince or Ed- 
ward III., unless he were with the King of France 
or some of his family. The old Marechal then 
accepted the proposal of the Prince that the matter 
should be submitted to a jury of knights, and 
* Cuvelhier, vv. 1 208-1 260. 



1368] The Campaign in Spain. 1 75 

twelve were chosen, four Gascons, four Bretons, 
and four English. 

D'Audrehem then repHed to the charge of the 
Prince. He admitted that the facts as stated re- 
garding his ransom were true, but maintained, that, 
though he had not been able as yet to pay his ran- 
som, he intended to do so ; that he was not at this 
time in arms against the Black Prince, but against 
Peter, who was the head of the army; that the 
Prince was aiding Peter for pay; and that the 
whole expedition was against Peter, and not against 
the Black Prince. This statement the jury of 
knights sustained, and acquitted the Marechal of 
any breach of honour or word, much to the satis- 
faction of all, and of the Black Prince also, who 
immediately exchanged him with the Begue de Vil- 
laines, and other French chevaliers, for Sir Thomas 
Felton and others, who had previously been cap- 
tured by Henry's forces. 

The victory of Navarrete was complete, and re- 
sulted in the destruction of Henry's army. This 
disaster was wholly due to his determined disregard 
of the advice of his most sagacious leaders by leav- 
ing a strong defensive position to risk a battle in the 
open field, where his opponent desired to draw him. 

After retreating from the field, he attempted to 
reach the frontiers of Aragon, which he succeeded 
in doing, accompanied by a few of his followers. 
Crossing the kingdom of Aragon, he passed the 
Pyrenees, and sought the protection and assistance 
of the Comte de Foix. 

After a brief stay, he visited the Due d'Anjou, by 
whom he was kindly received at Villeneuve, near 



176 



Bertrand du Guesclin. 



[1365-68 



Avignon. By the Due d'Anjou his cause was pre- 
sented to Charles of France, who listened to his 
requests for aid, and gave him the fortress of Pierre 
Pertuse, on the borders of Languedoc. Here he 
soon brought his family, and busied himself in col- 
lecting forces with which to reinstate himself firmly 
upon the throne of Castile. 




CHAPTER X. 

SUCCESSES IN SPAIN. 
1 368-1 370. 

The Black Prince and Peter disagree — The former leaves Spain — 
Henry raises a new army — Du Guesclin released — His enormous 
ransom — Raises an army for Spain — The Marechal d'Audrehem 
joins him — Siege of Toledo — Du Guesclin besieges Peter in the 
Castle of Monteil — Death of Peter — His character — Failing 
health of the Black Prince — His difficulty with the Gascon Barons 
— Action of Charles V. — War with England — Death of Sir John 
Chandos— His character — Du Guesclin recalled from Spain — He 
is created Duke of Molina — His campaign with the Due de 
Berri — Capture of Limoges — He is called to Paris — Is made 
Constable of France — His campaign in Normandy — Battle of 
Pontvalain — Its brilliant success. 

IT is hardly possible that two characters so diverse 
in their traits as the Black Prince and Peter the 
Cruel could maintain a condition of mutual confi- 
dence and association. The one, possessing an 
open and manly disposition, generous and chivalric 
in his feelings toward others, was superior to any 
base or sordid impulse; the other, low, cunning, 
and vindictive, cruel, selfish, and tyrannical, and 
with no respect for the rights or life of others, was 
12 177 



178 Bertrand du Guesclin. ti368- 

controlled by a desire to conduct all his affairs by 
treachery or by force. 

Immediately after the battle of Navarrete, these 
opposing traits of character opened a breach which 
time and events served only to widen. 

The Black Prince had exacted a promise from 
Peter that no chevalier, squire, or person of quality, 
should be executed without a fair trial, such as the 
laws of chivalry demanded; and yet Peter, disre- 
garding his word, wreaked his vengeance upon 
every subject upon whom he was able. One in- 
stance, which caused a most angry remonstrance 
from the Black Prince, will illustrate the utter disre- 
gard of every chivalric principle by this remarkable 
character. 

On the day following the victory of Navarrete, a 
Spanish knight, Inigo Lopez, who had formerly 
been attached to Peter's cause, was the prisoner of 
a Gascon knight. Without a word of explanation, 
and allowing the knight no defence, he rode up to 
him and killed him, although, by all rules of chiv- 
alry, he was under the protection of the knight to 
whom he had surrendered. 

Angered by the displeasure of the Black Prince, 
he requested that he yield to him all the knights 
and squires who had been taken prisoners in the 
engagement, offering to pay the ransoms demanded 
by their captors. This Edward refused to do, 
claiming that the lords, knights, and squires had 
fought bravely, and were entitled to all the privileges 
and courtesies due to brave chevaliers. Peter was 
incensed at this reply, and demanded that these 
chevaliers should be delivered to him, as they were 



1370] Successes in Spain, 1 79 

his enemies and the enemies of his kingdom, and 
should be put to death. 

The Black Prince replied that he advised him to 
cultivate and acquire the good-will of his nobles 
and knights, and to govern his subjects by affection, 
and not by fear; that if he followed the course 
which he seemed to have adopted, he ran great 
danger of losing his kingdom and his life, and that 
he would alienate from himself all support of power- 
ful allies, even himself. 

Peter was only imbittered by this reproof, how- 
ever, and brooded over his disappointed revenge. 

From Navarrete the Black Prince and Peter went 
to Burgos, which opened its gates to them, and of 
which Peter at once took possession. His insensate 
and Incontrollable spirit of cruelty and revenge soon 
led him to offend further the generous spirit of 
Edward, One of his first acts, on obtaining posses- 
sion of Burgos, was the seizure, and imprisonment 
in a subterranean dungeon, of the Bishop of Braga, 
who was related to the Comte d'Armagnac, one of 
Edward's most devoted adherents. 

The rapidly increasing dislike of Peter by the 
Black Prince, and the accomplishment of the pur- 
pose for which he had come to Spain, led him to 
prepare to return to his own possessions. He ac- 
cordingly endeavoured to obtain from Peter the 
fulfillment of the promises which he had made of 
paying the expenses of his expedition, and certain 
sums in addition for his own services and those 
of his army. Peter evaded in every way the dis- 
charge of his obligations and the fulfillment of his 
promises. After four months of waiting with no 



1 80 Bertrand du Guesclin, [1368- 

result, Edward turned his face homeward, broken 
in health and spirits, and depressed by the baseness 
and treachery of the man for whose interests he had 
sacrificed so much. 

The return of the Black Prince to his own posses- 
sions, and the unpleasant relations existing between 
him and Peter the Cruel on account of the baseness 
and dishonesty of the latter, was a very encouraging 
condition of affairs for Henry. He augmented the 
activity of his efforts to secure adherents to his 
cause, and saw his available forces increasing with 
rapidity. Many of those who had left his service 
to join the standard of the Black Prince returned to 
him. The failure of Peter to keep his promises had 
excited the hostility of many others, who sought 
opportunity for revenge under the banner of Henry. 
The greater portion of the knights and squires who 
had been captured at Navarrete had been ransomed, 
and were anxious to serve again in his cause. From 
these various sources a strong and well-appointed 
army had been gathered, and was in readiness to 
enter the field, in his effort to regain the crown of 
Castile. 

Preparing to return to Castile, he sought to secure 
the consent of the King of Aragon to the passage 
of his army through his dominions. This he was 
unable to gain. Accordingly he moved his troops 
through Aragon, having notified Pedro that if op- 
posed he should resist with all his force. Pedro 
made a show only of resistance, and Henry traversed 
his kingdom unimpeded. Crossing the frontier of 
Aragon, he reached the Ebro and passed into Cas- 
tile, and took up his residence in the town of Cala- 



1370] Successes in Spain. i8i 

horra, where he rapidly gathered about him many 
knights of Brittany and Castile who had previously 
served under him. 

Pushing his campaign with vigour, he soon ap- 
peared before Burgos. This city yielded to him on 
demand, and he was soon in possession also of Leon, 
Madrid, and other strongly fortified and important 
cities. Continuing the activity of his expedition, 
he next besieged the city of Toledo, having made 
himself master of nearly all of the northern half of 
Castile. 

Since the battle of Navarrete, which was fought 
on the 3d of April, 1367, Du Guesclin had been 
held captive by the Black Prince. All the knights 
captured at the same time had been ransomed and 
released, and he was impatient to be freed. The 
Black Prince had declined all proposals for effecting 
his freedom. During this period of eight months 
his active spirit had made his captivity most irk- 
some. 

The unwillingness of the Black Prince to allow 
him to pay a ransom, at length led Sir John Chan- 
dos. Sir Hugh Calverly, and others of his ablest 
advisers and leaders, to urge him to consent to his 
ransom and release. 

Du Guesclin was accordingly summoned before 
him. In reply to the inquiries of the Black Prince 
as to his welfare, he said : " Monseigneur, I am well 
enough, thank God ! but might be better, and it is 
my right to be so, for I am the most honoured 
chevalier of the world, though I am held in your 
prison, and you know how and why. They say, 
throughout the realm of France and elsewhere, that 



1 82 Bertrand du Guesclin. 



[1368- 



you dread me so much that you dare not release me 
from your prison." * 

The Black Prince was greatly moved by this retort, 
and hastily replied: " How, Messire Bertrand, think 
you that for your chivalry we hold you prisoner? 
By St. George, no! " 

The Black Prince was impressed by his frank and 
manly demeanour, and with admiration said that 
he might go free from ransom, if he would promise 
not to make war against himself or Edward III., or 
take up again the cause of Henry of Castile. He 
further stated that he would discharge the debts 
which he had incurred while a prisoner at Bordeaux, 
and in addition give him ten thousand livres with 
which to provide himself with a horse and arms. 
This Du Guesclin indignantly declined, saying that 
he had always been the loyal subject of the King 
of France, and should remain so ; that he would 
die in prison before taking any oath to be untrue 
to his sovereign. He urged Edward to fix his 
ransom at a sum within his means, which had been 
greatly impaired by his expenses in this expedition. 
The Black Prince then generously said, " Fix your 
own ransom." Du Guesclin immediately placed it 
at the sum of one hundred thousand gold doubles.f 

Astonished at the amount, Edward proposed that 
one half be the sum ; but Du Guesclin insisted that 
he could secure the money by the aid of his friends, 
if given time ; and, in the default of his friends, that 
" there was not a spinner in the kingdom of France 
who could twist a thread, but would work her fin- 

* Froissart, Liv. I., Part II., p. 545. 

f The double was equal to 2 francs 95 centimes. 



1370] Successes in Spain. 183 

gers off to gain the means to secure his delivery 
from prison." * 

Du Guesclin at once sent messages to his friends, 
who immediately responded, sending their squires 
with their seals to seal the bond in any amount 
which he might assign. Sir John Chandos imme- 
diately offered to lend him ten thousand doubles, 
which Du Guesclin declined with thanks. 

Sir Hugh Calverly, who had come with him to 
Spain, but had been called from the cause of Henry 
of Castile to serve the Prince of Wales, his sove- 
reign, came forward and said: " Bertrand, we have 
been companions. How much I owe you I cannot 
tell, but I here offer you thirty thousand doubles of 
gold." Du Guesclin thanked him warmly, and said, 

Should I need it, I will ask you for it"; then, 
embracing each other, they separated, f 

The Princess of Wales, hearing of the event, came 
to Bordeaux to see the man who had fixed so sur- 
prising a sum for his ransom. She was a great 
admirer of bravery and of noble deeds, and invited 
him to dine. After dinner she addressed him on 
the subject of his ransom and its high figure, and 
claimed the privilege of paying ten thousand doubles 
of the amount. 

Du Guesclin was now set at liberty, and busied 
himself in securing the full amount of his ransom. 
The Due d'Anjou advanced him thirty thousand 

* " N'a filaresse en France qui sache fil filer, 
Qui ne gaignast ainfois ma finance a filer 
Qu'elles ne me voissent hors de vos las geter." 
Cuvelhier, vv. 13645-13647. 
•j- Menard, Vie de Bert, du Guesclin, chap, xxiv., p. 306. 



184 Bertrand du Guesclin. [1368- 

francs; the King of France,* thirty thousand " dou- 
bles of Spain " ; and his friends in Brittany, among 
whom were the Lords de Laval and Beaumanoir, 
the Vicomte de Rohan, the Bishop of Rennes, and 
others, soon supplied the balance. He then went to 
Roche Derrien, where he spent a brief time in visit- 
ing Tiphaine and his family. On inquiring for the 
sum of one hundred thousand francs, which had 
been deposited for safe keeping in the fastness of 
Mont Saint Michel, he learned that Tiphaine had 
withdrawn it during his imprisonment, and had ex- 
pended the entire sum in the ransoms of many of the 
chevaliers who had been captured with him at Na- 
varrete. At this he was greatly pleased, as well as 
with other matters connected with her administra- 
tion of his affairs during his prolonged absence. 

He could not remain long at Roche Derrien, but 
felt compelled to return to Bordeaux, discharge his 
ransom, and hold himself in readiness for the duties 
which he saw before him. On his route an instance 
of his great unselfishness and generosity occurred. 

A body of knights and squires who were return- 
ing to seek their ransoms as prisoners of the unfortu- 
nate field of Navarrete, had halted for refreshment 
at a little inn. They were without means, poorly 
mounted, some on foot, and all in a needy condi- 
tion. When the host learned that they had served 
with Du Guesclin, everything was placed at their 
disposal. 

While they were at their repast, Du Guesclin 
entered, and recognised them as his former followers 
and companions. Their condition touched him 
* Cuvelhier, Part II., p. 402, note by Charriere, 



1370] Successes in Spain. 185 

deeply, and, learning from each one the amount of 
his ransom, he called upon Evan de Mauny, his 
treasurer, to pay to each the necessary sum, beside 
sufficient in addition to procure a good horse and 
arms. To the innkeeper he gave a thousand livres. 
All begged him to keep the money, as he needed it 
to pay his own enormous ransom, but he insisted 
that it should be as he had directed. 

Arriving at Bordeaux, after discharging his obli- 
gation to the Black Prince, he went to Montpellier, 
where he arrived January 7, 1368. Here he was 
joined by his old friend the Marechal d'Audrehem. 
During the following month they assembled a con- 
siderable force, in which were many of the leaders 
of the Free Companies, his former companions in 
the expedition to Spain, who were ready to join 
him in a further attempt to place Henry of Castile 
securely on the throne. 

On February 26th, with a force of nearly two 
thousand men-at-arms, they set out upon the march. 
At Nimses they met the Due d'Anjou, whom 
they joined in an expedition into Provenge. On 
the 4th of March they besieged Tarascon, which 
surrendered after a month of resistance. On the 
nth of April they besieged Aries. During this 
siege Innocent VI. interposed in behalf of the Queen 
of Naples, the Comtesse de Provenge, and as a result 
of his negotiations with the Due d'Anjou the siege 
was raised. 

While Du Guesclin was occupied in the operations 
in Provence with the Due d'Anjou, Charles V. was 
busy in preparations looking to the strengthening of 
his alliances, and watching the movements of Ed- 



1 86 Berirand du Guesclin. [1368- 

ward III., which were menacing. He sent envoys 
to Henry of Castile, and on November 20, 1368, 
renewed the treaty of Aigues Mortes, and promised 
to send him five hundred lances, under command of 
Du Guesclin. Accordingly, in January, 1369, Ber- 
trand crossed the Pyrenees, and in February joined 
Henry in his camp before Toledo, where he had for 
more than ten months unsuccessfully besieged this 
city. 

Henry learned at this time of Peter's intention to 
collect an army to relieve the besieged city of To- 
ledo, and attack his forces. 

In the council of leaders which was convoked, Du 
Guesclin advised Henry not to await the arrival of 
Peter, but to march against, surprise, and attack 
him ; that a sufificient army should be left to main- 
tain the investment of Toledo ; and that he should 
move quickly against Peter with his remaining 
forces. This advice was adopted. With the troops 
under his own command, and those of Du Guesclin, 
Henry's army amounted to about three thousand 
knights, with other soldiers. 

Moving rapidly forward, he learned that Peter 
had gathered his forces near the Castle of Monteil. 
Peter had no knowledge of the movements of 
Henry, and was unprepared for an attack, as Du 
Guesclin had surmised. 

His troops accordingly were not concentrated, 
but were scattered in the vicinity of Monteil. Early 
in the morning Henry appeared before Monteil, and, 
advancing immediately, engaged the forces of Peter. 
So sudden and unexpected was the attack, that the 
army of Peter gave way, and fled before the division 



1370] Successes in Spain. 187 

led by Du Guesclin came up. The pursuit was fol- 
lowed by both divisions of Henry's army, and re- 
sulted in severe loss and slaughter to Peter's forces. 
He hurriedly shut himself up in the Castle of Mon- 
teil, which was at once closely besieged by Henry. 
Unprepared to sustain a siege at this point, Peter 
sought means to escape from the castle ; but every 
outlet was so carefully watched, that flight was im- 
possible. He then sought to escape by other means, 
and endeavoured to negotiate for his release. Some 
authorities state that through one of his followers 
he sought to bribe Du Guesclin to permit him to 
escape.* Others f claim that Peter, taking advan- 
tage of a dark night, attempted to leave the castle 
with five of his knights. The Begue de Villaines 
upon that night had charge of the guard, and, learn- 
ing that an effort was being made by some of the 
inmates of the castle to leave it, arrested Peter and 
his companions. On finding himself a prisoner, he 
offered every inducement to the Begue de Villaines 
to grant him his freedom. Turning a deaf ear to all 
entreaties, he led him to the tent of Sir Alain de 
Houssoie. 

Henry, on being informed of his capture, came 
in full armour to the tent. Demanding of the Begue 
de Villaines that the prisoner be delivered to him, 
he immediately addressed Peter, calling him " false 
traitor," and threatened him. Peter, replying 
" Thou art a lying bastard! " threw himself upon 
Henry, and bore him to the ground. Drawing a 

* Ayala, Chronica del Rey Don Pedro, pp. 548, 549. 
f Froissart, Liv. I., Part II., p. 551 ; Cuvelhier, Part II., v. 1657 
et seq. 



1 88 Bertrand du Guesclin. [1368- 

dagger, he endeavoured to kill him ; but one of the 
knights present, seizing Peter by the feet, turned 
him over upon his face. This gave Henry an oppor- 
tunity to use his dagger, which he repeatedly struck 
into his brother's body, killing him, and ending the 
career of one who by his crimes had gained the title 
of" the Cruel." 

Of fine physique, Peter possessed the qualities of 
endurance and vigour. His habits, for one of such 
propensities, were free from extreme dissipation. 
He was especially fond of the chase. In nature 
he was selfish, avaricious, and enjoyed amassing 
money and treasures. His habits in other respects 
were in harmony with his mental traits, — dissolute 
in every way. His crafty and base impulses in- 
spired no respect or affection in anyone with whom 
he came in contact. He was as much dreaded by 
his friends as by his foes. 

The death of Peter occurred March 23, 1369, and 
left Henry in possession of the throne of Castile. 
To the aid and counsel of Du Guesclin, Henry was 
greatly indebted for this result. 

The successful termination of the expedition of 
Du Gueschn into Spain was an important factor in 
deciding the course of subsequent events in France. 
Charles V. had for some time been seeking means 
to attain the great desire of his life, which was the 
expulsion of the English from France. Watching 
closely all events and conditions bearing upon the 
welfare of his realm, he was ever ready to avail him- 
self of any favourable circumstances. At this time 
the decHning health of the Black Prince, and his 
failure to prevent Henry from securing the throne 
of Castile, as well as the growing reputation of Du 



1370] Successes in Spain. 189 

Guesclin as a military leader of great skill, presented 
the opportunity which he desired for an open rup- 
ture with Edward of England. This pretence was 
readily found in complaints against the acts of the 
Free Companies, which, having returned from the 
expedition into Spain, were committing excesses in 
many parts of France. 

The great majority of the leaders and men-at- 
arms of the Free Companies had been enrolled 
among the forces of the Black Prince, and had 
returned from Spain into France, with him, and fail- 
ing to obtain the pay promised to them by him, had 
abandoned his province of Aquitaine, and main- 
tained themselves by pillaging the adjoining sec- 
tions of France. This was in contravention of the 
ordinance issued by Edward of England after the 
peace of Bretigny, commanding them to abstain 
from all acts of hostility to France. The Black 
Prince, having failed to prevent this, and having 
denied them the privileges of his own province, was 
held responsible for his hostile acts. 

A further opportunity came to Charles in the fact 
that the Black Prince had become heavily involved 
in debt by the expenses of the expedition into 
Spain, through Peter's failure to keep his promises 
of payment, and through the extravagance of his 
own affairs. These conditions compelled him to 
seek means to increase his revenues. This he 
attempted to do, according to the customs of the 
time, by added imposts upon his subjects. By the 
advice of his counsellors, he levied fouage * in 
the province of Aquitaine. 

* A tax upon each fire, and a means resorted to by rulers of that 
time to obtain needed revenue. 



igo Bertrand du Guesclin. [1368- 

On the assembly of a council of the authorities of 
the great cities, at Niort, some of the leading barons 
consented to the impost; but the knights of Gas- 
cony, and the deputies from their cities refused to 
submit to a fouage tax, which had never before been 
imposed upon them. Asking for time for consider- 
ation, they withdrew from the conference, and, after 
reaching their own domains, declared that they 
would not attend a future conference on the subject, 
nor pay the tax proposed, and that they would 
resist its collection by force if necessary. They 
maintained that they had never been subjected to 
any tax, and that they had always been free, and 
had remained in this condition when subject to the 
Kings of France. They further declared that such 
a tax was at variance with the feudal system, and 
consequently that they could consider it only a 
measure of oppression ; that while, as his subjects, 
they owed him military service, this was confined 
to the maintenance of his own possessions, and not 
to foreign conquests or to aid foreign princes. 

Charles was only too ready to listen to their com- 
plaints, and immediately entered into a secret alli- 
ance with some of their most powerful and influential 
members, and later, on December 28, 1368, had 
made a public treaty with the Gascon lords, in 
which he not only promised to maintain all their 
ancient rights and privileges, but to sustain a de- 
fensive and offensive alliance with them against 
either the Black Prince or Edward of England. 

The Black Prince was unwilling to yield to the 
advice of some of his most trusted counsellors to 
withdraw from his proposal to levy this tax, and 
determined to collect it. 



1370] Successes in Spain. 191 

Meanwhile, Charles, under pretence of examining 
into the matters of complaint by the Gascon lords, 
was busy in secretly securing the adherence and 
friendship of the leaders of those sections of France 
which were most hostile to and restless under Eng- 
lish rule. Later, he sent envoys summoning the 
Black Prince to Paris to answer the complaints 
made against him by the Gascon nobles. He was 
led to this resort by the urgent appeals of the Gas- 
con barons for his aid in resisting the demands of 
the Black Prince. Wearying of English domina- 
tion, they had decided to throw off their alliance 
with Edward, and come under the authority of the 
Crown of France ; and Charles concluded, that, with 
the assurances of devotion and loyalty received from 
the provinces of the south of France as well as from 
those in the north, he could adopt the advice of his 
council, and accordingly issued the summons re- 
ferred to. 

The surprise of the Black Prince was great, and 
his anger correspondingly so. To the envoys of 
Charles he replied that he would obey the sum- 
mons, but that when he came it would be at the 
head of an army of sixty thousand men. The en- 
voys left Bordeaux, but, before they had proceeded 
far on their return, they were overtaken, and thrown 
into prison by order of the Black Prince. 

The Gascon barons were incensed at this action, 
and took occasion to revenge it by attacks upon his 
followers, killing and capturing a number of them. 
At this juncture Edward of England sent to Charles 
v., requesting him to recall his approval of the 
action of the Gascon barons, and order them to 
return to their allegiance to the Black Prince. 



192 Bertrand du Guesclin. [1368- 

In reply Charles recounted the ravages of the 
Free Companies, and the failure of Edward to pre- 
vent them, in accordance with the provisions of the 
treaty of Bretigny. Edward retorted that when 
Charles had done what was demanded of him, then 
he, Edward, would do what was asked by Charles. 

Having brought matters to the point which he de- 
sired, Charles convoked an assembly on the 9th of 
May, 1369, at Paris, and laid the subject before it. 

The discussion occupied but a brief period, and re- 
sulted in a decision favouring a declaration of war 
against England. This was the action which Charles 
desired, since, in anticipation of this event, he had 
been making active preparations in secret. He sent 
a message of defiance to Edward by a scullion, and, 
not awaiting the reply, commenced the campaign 
by operations in the county of Penthifevre, for which 
he had already made provision. The force operating 
here, under command of Sir Hugh de Chatillon and 
Count Guy de Saint Pol, captured the town of Ab- 
beyville, and with little opposition drove the Eng- 
lish entirely from this country.* 

The policy pursued by Charles was most irritating 
to Edward of England, and he immediately com- 
menced preparations to meet the forces of the 
French King. 

In addition to a large naval expedition, he planned 
for active cooperation of his subjects in France 
against Charles. 

He offered as an inducement, to any of the nobil- 
ity and leaders who should espouse his cause, the 
privilege of holding as their own any castles or for- 
* Froissart, Liv. I., Part II., p. 566. 



1370] Successes in Spain. 193 

tresses which they might capture, as well as any 
towns or cities. In accordance with the recom- 
mendations of Parliament, he reassumed the title of 
King of France. 

While Edward of England and the Black Prince 
were making these preparations, Charles was by no 
means idle. He was unremitting in his efforts to 
attach to his service the most experienced and 
powerful leaders of the Free Companies who had 
been in the service of the Black Prince and of Eng- 
land. By this policy he not only secured a large 
number of the most experienced soldiers of the time, 
but drew away correspondingly from the strength 
and prestige of the English King. At the same 
time, in the centre and south of France, the Dues 
d'Anjou and de Berri gathered their forces in the 
provinces along the frontiers of Aquitaine, and pur- 
sued a system of hostile movements against the 
possessions and forces of the Black Prince. 

Edward III. and the Black Prince were quite as 
active as Charles V. in their preparations. Sir 
Hugh Calverly was recalled from Spain, and a 
strong force was placed under his command. Sir 
John Chandos and the Captal de Buch were given a 
body of troops, with instructions to invade and lay 
waste the territory of the Gascon barons. From 
England the Earls of Cambridge and Pembroke, 
with a considerable force, invaded the county of 
Perigord, and a large naval expedition under com- 
mand of the Duke of Lancaster set sail for the coast 
of France. The military operations which followed 
these extensive preparations were unimportant, 
judging from results. The campaign seems to have 



194 Bertrand du Guesclin. [1368- 

been one of vindictive measures on both sides, 
rather than of strategic or critical military move- 
ments which should give positive results. The 
campaign of 1368 closed with little of encourage- 
ment or gain for the cause of Edward, 

At the suspension of these active operations for a 
brief period, Edward met with an irreparable loss in 
the death of his greatest leader and most valued 
counsellor. Sir John Chandos. On December 31, 
1369, as he was on his way to the city of Poitiers, 
with a force of about fifty lances and a few archers, 
he met a body of French and Breton knights and 
bowmen. An engagement between the two forces 
followed, in which those of Sir John Chandos were 
defeated, and he was mortally wounded by the 
thrust of a lance.* 

Thus ended the life of one of the most conspicu- 
ous characters in the military history of the time. 
Imposing in person, he possessed every characteris- 
tic of the beau ideal of the chevalier. Generous 
and noble in nature, he won the respect and affec- 
tion of his opponents as well as of his friends. His 
military genius was surpassed by but one man of 
that period, Du Guesclin. There are many points 
of similarity in their characters and talents. Sir 
John Chandos was ever loyal to his King and the 
interests of his country. Nothing could swerve his 
high sense of duty in this direction. To the fallen 
and defeated he was ever generous, and his courage 
and generosity led him to esteem and to recognise 
these traits in others. In respect to his military 
talents, he also resembled Du Guesclin in his ability 
* Cuvelhier, Part II., v. 19312. 



1370] Successes in Spain. 195 

to manoeuvre bodies of men and to execute strategic 
movements at a time when the idea of military art 
was based almost exclusively upon individual prow- 
ess and dexterity in the use of arms. 

It is extremely difficult to decide how much of the 
credit which has been accorded to the Black Prince 
for the success of his military movements in France 
is due to Sir John Chandos. It must not be for- 
gotten that at the battle of Crecy, Edward of Eng- 
land placed the Black Prince, then a boy of sixteen 
years, under the care and guidance of Sir John Chan- 
dos, who directed his every movement on that day. 
At Poitiers, ten years afterward, Sir John Chandos 
was certainly the source from which came the import- 
ant orders of the day.* At the decisive battle of 
Navarrete, f where Henry of Castile, disregarding 
the counsel of Du Guesclin, forced the fight and was 
defeated, Sir John Chandos directed the movements 
of the English with the Duke of Lancaster, and 
bore the brunt of the fight. Among the representa- 
tive characters of his time, he stands among the first 
in ability, sagacity, and integrity. Our estimate of 
him is not to be based upon the standards of to-day, 
but upon the best which appear in the century in 
which he lived. 

Although much had occurred to encourage Charles 
V. in the failure of the English to secure any results 
of importance in their efforts of the year 1369, he 
realised the necessity for resort to every means of 
strengthening his position and augmenting his mili- 
tary resources. Calling a council of the Peers at 
Paris, he laid before them the necessity for exten- 

* Froissart, Liv. I., Part II., p. 346. f Idem., p. 537. 



196 Bertrand du Guesclin. [1368- 

sive and radical measures to terminate English su- 
premacy in France. As a result of the deliberation 
of this conference, a decree was issued, on the 14th 
of May, 1370, which declared all the possessions of 
Edward III. and the Black Prince forfeited to the 
Crown of France. It was further decided to assem- 
ble a large additional army for active operations in 
the province of the Black Prince, and also to recall 
Du Guesclin from Spain.* 

The summons to return to France found Du 
Guesclin occupied in aiding Henry of Castile in 
completing the settlement of the affairs of his do- 
mains. By his assistance Henry had been enabled 
to reduce to subjection those who resisted his 
authority, and to establish his government firmly. 
Before parting with him, Henry publicly acknow- 
ledged his obligations to him, and conferred the 
title of Duke of Molina upon him, granting him 
Soria and other important towns, in addition to 
which he paid him a large sum of money.f 

Arranging his affairs in Spain as speedily as pos- 
sible, in response to the urgent messages of Charles, 
he set out on his return to France. Crossing the 
Pyrenees, he visited the Comte de Foix, with whom 
he made an offensive and defensive alliance; after 
which he passed directly on to Toulouse, which city 
he reached in July, 1370. Here he met the Due 
d'Anjou, who, having assembled a strong force con- 
sisting of about two thousand lances and some six 
thousand foot-soldiers, was awaiting his coming in 
order to commence his campaign. 

* Froissart, Liv. I., Part II., chap, ccciii., p. 608. 
f One hundred and twenty thousand Spanish doubles. 



13701 Successes in Spain, 197 

Being placed in command, he immediately set out 
from Toulouse, and pushed with his forces into Age- 
nois, where he speedily took the towns of Agen, Mois- 
sac, Sainte Marie, and others of importance. The 
fortress of Aiguillon surrendered after a slight resist- 
ance. From this point he marched to and besieged 
the strong town of Linde, which was saved from 
surrender by the timely arrival of the Captal de 
Buch and Sir Thomas Felton. Withdrawing 
from Linde, he pressed on to the vicinity of Bor- 
deaux. 

This expedition had been eminently successful. 
In considerably less than two months, between forty 
and fifty towns, castles, and fortresses had been 
taken by him from the English. 

In accordance with the advice of Du Guesclin, the 
Due d'Anjou disbanded his army, and distributed 
the troops among the garrisons of the captured 
towns and fortresses; and Du Guesclin, leaving 
him, went to Limoges to join the Due de Berri. 
On his way thither he was entertained at Perigneux 
in P^rigord by the family of the Count. In mount- 
ing upon the tower of the castle, he recognised an 
English banner upon a neighbouring abbey, and, 
learning that it was held by a strong force of Eng- 
lish, he called his troops together, and arranged for 
an immediate attack upon the place. Arriving 
before the walls, he demanded an unconditional sur- 
render, which being refused, he ordered an assault, 
which he led in person. Although making a most 
stubborn resistance, the English garrison was unable 
to withstand the impetuous and well-planned attack 
of Du Guesclin's forces. The place was carried by 



198 Bertrand du Guesclin. [1368- 

storm, and was restored to the monks, as Du Gues- 
clin had asserted that he would do.* 

After a brief stay at Perigneux, he pushed on to 
Limoges, and joined the Due de Berri, who was 
holding the place in a state of siege. Du Guesclin 
succeeded in arranging terms of surrender, in a few 
days after his arrival, with the Bishop of Limoges, 
who was in command of the city. This was an im- 
portant capture, and served to close the campaign 
of the Due de Berri, as he followed the advice of 
Du Guesclin, and distributed his army among the 
garrisons of the fortresses and towns which he had 
captured. 

While these events were occurring in the middle 
and south of France, Sir Robert Knolles was pursu- 
ing a campaign of plunder and destruction in the 
north. Leaving Calais, and avoiding the fortified 
and garrisoned places, he ravaged the country of 
Artois, Picardy, and Champagne, and came within 
a short distance of Paris. Charles made no effort 
to oppose him by sending forces against him. He 
held his troops as garrisons in his fortresses, until, 
fearing the nearer approach of Sir Robert Knolles, 
he sent for Du Guesclin to come to Paris, in order 
that he might place him at the head of his forces. 

The fall of Limoges was a surprise and a source 
of great annoyance to the Black Prince, and he 
resolved to retake it immediately. Assembling a 
force of over five thousand troops, of whom twelve 
hundred were lances, and although feeble in body 
and suffering so severely from dropsy as to be un- 
able to ride a horse, he was borne in a litter and 
* Cuvelhier, vv. 17381-17502. 



1370] Successes in Spain. 199 

accompanied his troops to Limoges, which he 
closely invested. On account of the strength of 
the place, he decided to refrain from attempts to 
take it by assault, and to endeavour to effect its 
capture by mining. 

After a month of work, he completed his mine, 
the besieged being unable to countermine success- 
fully. A portion of the wall was thrown down, 
thereby affording his troops an easy entry into the 
town, which was taken after considerable resistance. 
By his orders the city was sacked and burned, and 
the inhabitants — men, women, and children — were 
massacred. Froissart * describes the scenes of mer- 
ciless destruction of life and property which seem 
almost incredible. It is said that more than three 
thousand persons, of all ages and of both sexes, 
were butchered on this day. After the capture and 
sack of Limoges, the Black Prince returned to 
Cognac, terminating his operations for the season, 
and disbanding his army. 

During the siege of Limoges, Du Guesclin, with a 
force of two hundred lances, undertook a campaign 
in behalf of Jeanne, widow of Charles de Blois. 
This was conducted with his usual energy. He 
rapidly covered the country of Limousin and Peri- 
gord, and captured a number of strong places. The 
siege of Limoges occupied the entire energies of 
the Black Prince, who made no effort to check him. 

He besieged and carried by assault the fortress of 
St. Yrieux in Limousin, and soon after took the 
town of Brantome in Perigord. Here he received a 
summons from Charles V. to come to Paris and 

*Liv. I., Part II,, pp. 619, 620. 



200 Bertrand du Guesclin. [1368- 

arrange a campaign to check the ravages which were 
being perpetrated in the north. 

Placing his forces under command of his brave 
cousin, Olivier de Mauny, he set out for Paris with 
but six of his followers. He was met by the officers 
of Charles V. immediately upon his arrival, and con- 
ducted to the King, by whom and the nobility he 
was most cordially received. The King informed 
him that he had been elected, by the Council of the 
Nobles of the realm, Constable of France. Du 
Guesclin at once begged to be excused from accept- 
ing so high an office, saying that he was but a poor 
chevalier compared with the great lords and valiant 
men of France. The King declared that it was the 
will and order of the Council of the Lords of France, 
and that he did not wish to go contrary to it. Du 
Guesclin replied * : " Dear Sire and noble King ! I 
neither wish, nor dare, nor am able, to do contrary 
to your wishes, but it is true that I am poor and of 
lowly birth. The office of Constable is so grand 
and so noble, that he who holds it must lead and 
command the great even more than the humble. 
Here are my lords, your brothers, your nephews, 
and your cousins, who have command of men-at- 
arms in expeditions; how should I assume to com- 
mand them ? So I pray you to take this office from 
me, and confer it upon another who will accept it 
more willingly than I, and who knows better how 
to perform its duties." 

The King replied: ** Messire Bertrand! Messire 
Bertrand ! do not excuse yourself in this way, for I 
have neither brother, cousin, nephew, count, nor 
* Froissart, Liv. I., Part II., p. 621, 



1370] Successes in Spain. 201 

baron in my realm who will not obey you ; so accept 
the office, I beg of you ! " 

Du Guesclin, recognising the earnest wish and 
determination of the King and Council that he 
should accept the office, replied: " Sire! I will 
accept the office of Constable upon one condition, 
which I will state, and that is, that you promise to 
believe nothing said to my prejudice behind my 
back until it is repeated before you in my pres- 
ence." * The King replied, " I promise it! " 

Du Guesclin was then presented with the sword 
of office, and was accorded many honours by the 
King, nobles, and barons. He immediately com- 
menced preparations for an active campaign against 
the English under Sir Thomas Knolles. Turning 
a deaf ear to the timid counsels of Charles V., and 
taking the fifteen hundred men-at-arms which 
Charles furnished, he went to Pontorson, where he 
formed an alliance with Sir Olivier de Clisson. This 
was during the latter part of October, 1370. The 
reluctance of Charles V. to furnish means for the 
maintenance of such a force as Du Guesclin consid- 
ered indispensable, and for so active a campaign as 
he considered necessary, was no barrier to the prose- 
cution of his plans. Drawing upon his private 
means, he established his headquarters at Caen, 
where he called for the assembly of all those who 
desired to enter the service. Within a short time a 
body of more than three thousand knights and 
squires had gathered under his banner. 

Having thus exhausted the resources which he 
had already drawn, he summoned Tiphaine, his 
* Cuvelhier, v. 17900 et seq. 



202 Bertrand du Guesclin. [1368- 

wife, to come, bringing all his plate and her own 
jewels. She came quickly to Caen, and entered 
readily into his plans for a grand entertainment * of 
the leaders who had assembled. In his preparation 
for sumptuous hospitality, he was aided by his wife, 
and her presence added greatly to the success of the 
event. Among the lords and barons who graced 
this assembly with their presence were the Marechal 
d'Audrehem, Sir Jean de Vienne, Sir Olivier de 
Clisson, Sir Alain, and Sir Jean de Beaumont, 
Olivier du Guesclin, the Comts de la Perche and 
Alengon, and Pierre de I'Estree, with many 
others, t 

No pains had been spared to insure the magnifi- 
cence of this entertainment. The plate with v^^hich 
the tables glistened was rich and profuse, and ex- 
cited the admiration of all present. It had been 
mainly acquired in his recent campaign in Spain. 
The dinner was upon a corresponding scale, and 
was a source of surprise to all present. 

During the dinner. Lord de Clisson addressed the 
Constable, and said : " Sire Bertrand, there are more 
than three thousand soldiers here who have come to 
serve you against the English, while the King of 
the honoured land of France has given you pay for 
fifteen hundred only. If these are refused their 
offer of service I do not doubt but that they will 
return to service with the English, and form a 
strong company." 

** Sire," replied Bertrand, " by the honoured 
Virgin ! all will be retained in service, and will be 

* Cuvelhier, v. 17974 et seq. 
f Idem,, V. 17995. 



1370] Successes in Spain. 203 

paid ; and were they twice the number, I have suffi- 
cient gold and silver to pay them all. See you not 
the plate with which this hall is filled ? By my 
faith ! I have not pawned it ; nor am I married to 
it ; I can well dispose of it according to my wish. 
To the King I will lend it until the English shall 
repay it, which will be within a year." * 

The dinner passed most successfully, and within 
the few succeeding days the Constable converted 
the plate into money, which was devoted to the 
equipment and pay of his troops and furnishing 
supplies. Preparations were made to move imme- 
diately against the English, to the great delight of 
the assembled forces. Before leaving Caen, Du 
Guesclin took leave of his wife, saying: " Dame, 
you can remain here if you desire, or you can return 
to Roche Derrien if you prefer it. Pray to God for 
me, that as he has led me here, so he will bring me 
back in safety. I will never return until I shall 
have met in battle the Constable of England or his 
lieutenant." 

Sire," replied the Dame, " I pray to the All- 
Wise to keep you from death and imprisonment, 
and I beg you to keep in mind the perilous days 
which are before you. Before Navarrete you failed 
to follow my advice ; if you had believed me, the 
battle would not have been lost." 

" Dame," replied Bertrand, " I know surely that 
he who does not heed his wife's counsel will repent 
it later." f 

* Cuvelhier, v. i8oig ^^ seq. 

f " Qui sa fame ne croist, 4 la fois s'en repent." 

Cuvelhier, Part II., v. 18109. 



204 Bertrand du Guesclin. [1368- 

From Caen he marched to Vire. While here a 
herald arrived from Sir Thomas Granson, the Eng- 
lish commander, bearing a challenge to meet his 
forces in battle in the field. Du Guesclin gave the 
herald a present of money and this message: " Tell 
your masters that they shall receive speedy news of 
me, for, if they desire to meet me on the field, I 
have a greater desire to find them." 

The herald was given by the Constable's orders to 
the care of his own heralds, by whom he was so 
well entertained that he became hopelessly intoxi- 
cated and fell asleep. Du Guesclin ordered his 
forces to prepare to march immediately. This 
order caused some murmuring, for the night was 
cold, dark, and tempestuous, with heavy rain. The 
Constable was deaf to all entreaties for delay, and 
said: " At daylight must we be upon our enemies, 
for they will be surprised and quickly taken. To 
God I vow that I will never undress, nor eat bread 
or drink wine, nor dismount from my war-horse, of 
my own will, until I shall have found the English ! 
Those who do not follow me shall be impeached for 
treason before our King of Saint Denis." 

The Constable mounted his war-horse, followed 
by five hundred only at first, among whom were his 
brother Olivier, Alain de Beaumont, his brother 
Jean, and Olivier de Mauny. 

The others followed as rapidly as they were able. 
But few could keep the pace set by their impetuous 
commander; but, in spite of fatigue and the failure 
of the horses of many of his followers, his only reply 
to remonstrance was, that at daylight they would 
surprise and fall upon the English, and would be 



1370] Successes in Spain. 205 

able to obtain horses and whatever they might 
desire. 

At daylight the next morning he had reached 
Pontvalain after a forced march of sixty miles, and 
with barely two hundred of his cavaliers with him. 
He halted to give his soldiers time to readjust their 
armour and saddles, and to refresh themselves with 
a hasty repast. He then announced that he was 
about to attack the English with the forces present, 
and that they would be soon reenforced by Lords 
de Clisson and de Rohan, and others constantly 
arriving. Approaching the camp of the English 
silently, when close upon it, he ordered his men 
to dismount, and, forming them in line of battle, 
gave the order for the charge. This was promptly 
obeyed, and the French pressed rapidly forward, 
shouting their battle-cries of ' * Montjoy ! Notre 
Dame ! " " The King of St. Denis ! " " Du Guesclin 
the bravest ! " "To death with the English / " * 
The English were taken completely by surprise. 
The forces in the camp amounted to about seven 
hundred, while the remainder of the army of Sir 
Thomas Granson was scattered in the vicinity. 
Their commander was awaiting the return of his 
herald with an answer to his challenge, which he 
little expected would be so soon answered by Du 
Guesclin in person. 

The Constable pressed on with his forces into the 
camp, which was soon thrown into great confusion. 
Sir Thomas Granson rallied his troops and bravely 
contested the ground ; but the impetuous attack of 
the Constable was supported by the arrival of Lord 
* Cuvelhier, vv. 1 8428-1 8484. 



2o6 Bertrand du Guesclin. [1368- 

de Clisson with additional soldiers, and the English 
commander was compelled to surrender to Du 
Guesclin. 

The defeat of the English was complete, and the 
pursuit of their routed forces was continued for a 
considerable distance with the slaughter which usu- 
ally followed defeat in the battles of the time. A 
number of the retreating English soldiers took shel- 
ter in the neighbouring town of Vas, where they 
were immediately besieged by the Constable. To 
his summons to surrender, the Governor sent a 
refusal. The Constable replied: " By Notre Dame 
and the body of St. Benedict! I will sup in the 
chief donjon of the fortress this night! " 

He immediately ordered an assault, which was 
made by the French with great fury. A Breton 
squire first gained the wall, and fought the English 
" like an angry Hon." He was followed by another 
Breton squire and Jean de Beaumont, and the three 
maintained their struggle upon a small tower which 
they had gained. The French now mounted the 
walls on all sides. The Governor sought to escape 
by a small postern gate, but was captured and slain, 
as also those of his garrison who attempted to fol- 
low him.* The Constable thus fulfilled his threat, 
and supped with his leaders in the fortress that 
night. 

Without delay he followed up his successes, and 
attacked and captured the towns of St. Maur, RuUi, 
and Neroux. Sir Robert Knolles, unwilling to risk 
a battle with Du Guesclin, disbanded his forces and 
scattered them, taking refuge himself in the fortress 
* Cuvelhier, Part II., vv. 18520 et seq. 



1370] Successes in Spain. 207 

of Derval. Learning that a part of the army of Sir 
Robert Knolles was endeavouring to escape to Eng- 
land, under command of Sir Robert Neufville, the 
Constable despatched Lord de Clisson to attack 
them. He encountered them as they were about 
to embark. In a severe action the English were 
defeated, a large number slain, and the remainder, 
with their leader, were made prisoners. The tid- 
ings of this success reached the Constable December 
I, 1370, at Caen, and was the closing act of a brill- 
iant campaign, which was now terminated by the 
lateness of the season. 

The Constable went to Paris soon afterward to 
hold a consultation with Charles V. and the lords of 
the realm as to future plans and operations. His 
continuous succession of victories and captures of 
important fortresses during the campaign just closed, 
together with the final defeat, dispersion, and cap- 
ture of the English forces, served to stimulate the 
timid spirit of Charles V. His courage, which had 
been so crushed by the disasters of Cr6cy and Poi- 
tiers, revived under the assurance of future success 
given by the skill and prowess of the new Constable. 
He entered willingly into Du Guesclin's project of 
raising a larger army for the conduct of a most 
vigorous campaign. 





CHAPTER XI. 

THE CONSTABLE LOWERS ENGLISH PRESTIGE. 

I371-1372. 

Campaign in Auvergne and Poitou — English movements, land and 
naval — Death of Tiphaine Raguenel — Her character — Evan of 
Wales — Operations near Rochelle — Capture of Moncontour : of 
St. Severe — Surrender of Poitiers — Defeat and capture of the 
Captal de Buch — Surrender of Rochelle — Capture of Benon and 
Thouars — Edward III. fails to relieve Thouars — Du Guesclin 
returns to Poitou — Affair in Brittany — His successful campaign 
in Brittany. 

IN January, 1371, the Constable began to collect 
forces for the operations soon to be undertaken. 
It was at this time that the Black Prince, failing in 
health, returned to England with his family, leaving 
the Duke of Lancaster, his brother, in charge of his 
possessions. With the Black Prince, the Duke of 
Cambridge and Earl of Pembroke also went to 
England. 

Soon after the departure of the Black Prince, the 
Duke of Lancaster, while attending the funeral 
obsequies of his nephew Edward, the oldest son of 
the Black Prince, who had died at the age of six 
years, received tidings which called him imme- 

208 



1371-72] English Prestige Lowered, 209 

diately into the field. Two hundred Breton lances 
of the garrison of Perigord, under the command of 
the chevaliers Guillaume de Longval, Alain de 
Houssoie, Louis de Mailly, and Lord d'Arcy, had 
appeared before the strong castle of Montpaon, and 
demanded its surrender. The Governor, who was 
more French than English in his inclinations, sur- 
rendered the fortress to them.* 

The Duke of Lancaster and the Barons of Gui- 
enne assembled forces, amounting to seven hundred 
lances and five hundred archers, and immediately 
proceeded to besiege Montpaon. They employed 
a body of neighbouring peasants to cut trees and 
fill a portion of the ditch with them. By this 
means they were enabled to approach the walls, 
and to make several assaults, which proved un- 
successful. 

Near the Castle of Montpaon was that of St. 
Macaire. This was held by two Breton squires, 
Jean de Malaestroit and Sylvestre Budes. Both 
desired to go to the aid of the garrison of Mont- 
paon. But one, however, could go, and they ac- 
cordingly drew lots to see which it should be. The 
lot fell upon Sylvestre Bude, who, with twelve 
men-at-arms, succeeded in obtaining entry to the 
fortress that night, and was welcomed by the gar- 
rison. 

After a time the English prepared a shield, under 
the protecton of which their men could work upon 
the walls while their archers held the garrison in 
check. In this manner they were enabled to effect 
a breach in the wall. This compelled the captains 

* Froissart, Liv. I., Part II., p. 626. 
*4 



2IO Bertrand du Guesclin. [1371- 

of the garrison to treat for terms of surrender. The 
Duke of Lancaster at first refused to make terms, 
but later yielded to the counsels of the Captal de 
Buch and Lord de Angle, and accepted the sur- 
render of the Breton knights as prisoners.* 

Admitting his prisoners to ransom, the Duke of 
Lancaster returned to Bordeaux, and the Gascon 
lords to their own province. 

The Constable had marched with his forces into 
Auvergne early in February, 1371, and, though aware 
of the siege of Montpaon, was not in condition to aid 
its garrison, as he had besieged the strong town of 
Usson, which made a stubborn resistance to his 
efforts to take it. He accordingly withdrew from 
its investment, and, marching into Poitou, took the 
towns of Bressnire, Chauvigny, Montcontour, and 
Montmorillon. 

In these successful sieges he had procured some 
powerful engines, and with these he returned to the 
siege of Usson. These engines, brought on wag- 
gons from Rion and Clermont with other formidable 
preparations, so impressed the garrison with his 
determination to carry the place by storm, that they 
proposed terms of surrender, which were accepted.* 

These successes had just been completed when 
the Constable was summoned to Paris by Charles V. 
to aid in negotiations then in progress with Charles 
the Bad of Navarre. These negotiations related to 
a treaty which Charles the Bad had made with the 
King of France on the 29th of March, 1370, and 
which he had until that time evaded signing and 

* Froissart, Liv. I., Part II., pp. 627, 628. 
\Idem., pp. 630, 631. 



1372] English Prestige Lowered. 211 

ratifying. This treaty concerned those parts of 
Normandy which Charles the Bad controlled. 

On the 2d of September, 1370, he had also con- 
cluded a treaty with Edward III. of England with- 
out the slightest consideration for that made with 
the King of France, granting him equally advan- 
tageous access to the same ports. He was, however, 
unable to fulfil his treaty with Edward, and conse- 
quently returned to negotiations with Charles V. 

On the 25th of March, 1371, Du Guesclin escorted 
to Charles the Bad the hostages which he had 
demanded from the King of France ; after which, 
under escort of the Constable, he went to Vernon to 
meet the King of France, and five days later con- 
cluded the treaty, and did homage to Charles V. as 
his liege lord. 

The disorders which had been so violent in Poi- 
tou, and which had been caused by the troops of 
the Duke of Lancaster and the Free Companies, 
had assumed grave proportions. The Constable, 
taking leave of the King, pushed an active cam- 
paign in this district, as well as in Rouergue and 
along the frontiers of Limousin. In a brief but 
successful campaign he had taken a number of 
towns and fortresses held by the English. 

Having in a considerable measure restored order, 
he returned to Pontorson in May, 1371, and occupied 
himself with the collection of a large force of soldiers. 

The continued successes of Du Guesclin, and the 
steady decline of English prestige in France, led 
Edward HI. to seek new alliances by whch he 
might strengthen himself. He was very desirous of 
lessening the growing popularity of Charles V. and 



212 Bertra7td du Guesclin. [1371- 

his valiant Constable, which filled him with appre- 
hension. He sought these alliances among the 
most powerful of the Breton and French nobles, 
and was especially anxious to form an offensive and 
defensive alliance with the Due de Br^tagne, since 
access by the Ports controlled by him gave a ready 
means of entry into France. The Due de Br^tagne 
did not dare to enter into an open alliance of this 
nature, although Edward offered as an inducement 
to declare him Due de Bretagne, and a liege subject 
of himself as King of France. 

Charles V. was aware of these negotiations, and 
was planning accordingly. In Sir Olivier de Clisson 
he now had a devoted subject and a powerful ally. 
In his early career De Clisson had been attached to 
the English cause, and had rendered it most import- 
ant service. But John de Montfort had estranged 
him from it and from his own support by his refusal 
to grant his requests regarding certain lands which 
he desired, and in other ways. 

Embracing the cause of the widow of Charles de 
Blois against the Duke de Montfort, he swore alle- 
giance to the King of France. Charles V. was not 
slow to recognise the importance of such a gain to 
his support. He restored to him the estates of his 
father which had been sequestered after his execu- 
tion, and treated him with distinguished consid- 
eration, making him Lieutenant-Commander of 
Touraine, Maine, and Anjou. He was thus in such 
relation with the affairs of Brittany as to be enabled 
to keep the King of France, into whose counsels he 
was admitted, well advised of all important matters 
transpiring in that province. 



1372] English Prestige Lowered. 213 

The cause of Edward III. in France was still fur- 
ther compromised by the marriage of the Duke of 
Lancaster and the Earl of Cambridge with the two 
daughters of Peter the Cruel, who had been left in 
English hands as hostages for the payment of his 
indebtedness to the Black Prince. These two 
daughters of Peter were by Maria de Padilla ; and 
the Duke of Lancaster, in marrying Constance, the 
elder, hoped to obtain a claim to the throne of Cas- 
tile; while the marriage of his brother with the 
younger sister, Isabel, was considered to strengthen 
still further the English cause. But the contrary 
proved to be the case. The transaction served to 
cement the alliance between the Kings of France 
and Castile against the King of England. 

The year 1371 was not destined to close without 
the passage of a deep cloud of sorrow over the 
brightness of the universal manifestations of af- 
fection for the Constable, and expressions of appre- 
ciation of his brilliant service to his country. Under 
his successful campaigns, English prestige was rap- 
idly declining, and he was cheered by the assur- 
ances of confidence and esteem accorded to him on 
every side. But in his home the shadow of death 
darkened his hearthstone. Tiphaine Raguenel, his 
wife, died at Pontorson. 

She had been a source of strength and encourage- 
ment to him in the eventful years following their 
marriage. All of the chroniclers who mention her 
uniformly bear testimony to her beauty and worth. 
From the days when, starting out upon his career, 
without fame or fortune, he had met her at Dinan, 
and under her encouragement had been stimulated 



214 Bertrand du Guesclin. [1371- 

to successful feats of arms, and had won her as his 
wife, until death closed her career, she had rejoiced 
in his triumphs, and had shared his sorrows when 
unfortunate. During his long absences on his ex- 
peditions, and in the dreary months of his imprison- 
ment by the Black Prince, she had wisely and suc- 
cessfully administered the affairs of his estates. 
Having received the best education accorded to 
women of that time, her judgment and many vir- 
tues, together with her fine presence, led her to 
appear on all occasions with becoming grace. 

Sharing the fondness of her husband for a most 
generous hospitality, she was ever ready to further 
his liberality, which, according to the manners of 
the time, drew men strongly to him. 

Tiphaine was one of those devoted natures who 
find their fullest satisfaction in the success and 
glory of their husbands. During his prolonged 
absences in the campaigns which had won for him 
so much of fame, she had occupied herself with 
studies of a higher order. Much interested in 
astronomy, she had dipped into astrology, which 
was so fully credited by many at that time. 

Some have maintained that she was able to pre- 
dict his successes, and foresee events favourable or 
unfavourable for others; but we must look upon 
such statements in the same manner as Du Guesclin 
is said to have expressed himself when informed 
of some of them, as being " the dreams of a 
woman."* She died during the year 1371, and 
was buried near Pontorson in the church of the old 
monastery at Mont Saint Michel. 

* Luce, Hist, de Bert, du Guesclin, p. 401. 



1372] English Prestige Lowered. 215 

The aggressive and successful campaigns of Du 
Guesclin in 1371 against the possessions of the Eng- 
lish in France, and especially in Aquitaine, com- 
pelled Edward III. to make strenuous efforts to 
sustain his waning prestige and retrieve his ex- 
tensive losses of land and fortresses. He planned an 
expedition for invasion of France, which, consisting 
of a large number of troops and a considerable fleet 
of vessels, set sail in the early part of 1372 from 
Southampton. This force was under command of 
the Earl of Pembroke, and was directed against 
Rochelle. 

Their arrival was anticipated by a strong fleet of 
Spanish vessels, which the King of Castile had 
despatched in response to the requests of Charles 
V. for aid. A naval engagement was the result, 
and, after a sea fight continuing for a part of two 
days, the English were defeated, losing a large 
number of men and vessels, with a considerable 
amount of treasure which the fleet was carrying for 
the payment of troops already in France. 

At this time appeared a character who figured 
with some prominence in the warlike events of the 
succeeding two or three years. Evan of Wales, so 
called from his claim to have descended from the 
house of that name, had espoused the cause of 
Charles V., and at the time of the naval events off 
Rochelle had set out from France in command of a 
force estimated at three thousand men-at-arms, with 
several vessels. He sailed directly for the island of 
Guernsey, upon which he made an attack, and over- 
came and defeated the English forces gathered to 
oppose him. The Governor was forced to shut him- 



2i6 Bertrand du Guesclin. li371- 

self up in a fortress, to which Evan immediately 
laid siege 

While thus engaged, he was recalled by Charles 
v., and sent upon a mission to the King of Castile 
to induce him to send a fleet to co-operate in move- 
ments against Rochelle.* 

With the aid and advice of Du Guesclin, Charles 
V. was preparing to follow his recent success with 
active operations elsewhere. His army was placed 
under the general orders of Du Guesclin, who as- 
sumed command of fifteen hundred men-at-arms 
and six hundred bowmen. The Due de Bourbon 
was placed at the head of eight hundred men-at- 
arms and two hundred bowmen; and the valiant 
Marechal Louis de Sancerre, was given a command 
of five hundred men-at-arms. The remainder of the 
force, amounting to five hundred men-at-arms, was 
placed under command of Lord Sempy, and was held 
in the vicinity of Calais. 

The army under command of Du Guesclin con- 
tained many distinguished knights and leaders, 
among whom we find the names of Lords de Clis- 
son, de Laval, and de Beaumanoir, the Due de 
Berri, the Vicomte de Rohan, and many others. 
Setting out from Blois, he m.arched into the pro- 
vince of Poitou, and captured the fortresses of Mont- 
morillon and Chauvigny, and also the fortified town 
of Lussac. 

At the same time that he was conducting these 
operations, he detached Lord de Clisson with a 
strong force to make a reconnaissance about the 

* Froissart, Liv. I,, Part II., p. 640. 



1372] English Prestige Lowered. 217 

fortress of Montcontour, which had been retaken by 
the English in 1376.* 

After six days of active operations against the 
castle, De Clisson failed to gain any advantage. The 
English commander of the fortress had hung upon 
the walls a representation of the shield and arms of 
Du Guesclin reversed, and had declared him to be a 
false and perjured chevalier, f 

Information of this insult incensed the Constable, 
and, taking his entire force, he joined Lord de Clis- 
son before Montcontour. 

The insult thus offered him was because he had 
not discharged an obligation to the English knight 
for ransom of one of his soldiers, for which he had 
become liable after the battle of Navarrete. Ad- 
mitting its existence, the Constable claimed that the 
matter was one of honourable record under seal, and 
could be adjusted at any time, and that the insult 
offered was wanton. 

Preparations to carry the fortress by assault were 
pushed rapidly forward, the ditches were filled with 
wood and branches of trees, and the troops were 
thus enabled to reach the foot of the walls. On the 
sixth day the garrison offered terms of capitulation, 
and the Governor of the castle was surrendered to 
De Clisson, who hung him upon the wall, in the 
place where he had hung the caricature of Du Gues- 
clin's arms; and the garrison and castle passed into 
the hands of the Constable. % 

At this point he learned that the garrison of Poi- 
tiers had been re-enforced by troops under Sir John 

* Cuvelhier, v. 19665. f Idem., v. 19682. 

\ Idem., V. 1973 1. 



2i8 Bertrand dii GuescUn. wz^\- 

Devereaux and Sir Thomas Percy. He accordingly 
moved forward to join the Dues de Bourbon and 
de Berri, who were engaged in the siege of St. 
Severe. Before reaching the latter city he captured 
a number of towns and castles. His entire force 
was gathered about St. Severe, and his army of 
investment amounted to upwards of four thousand 
men-at-arms. 

The strength of the walls and means of defence 
demanded careful and extensive preparations, on the 
part of the Constable, to overcome them. While 
these were in progress, the final action was precipi- 
tated in an unexpected manner. The details are 
given by Cuvelhier as follows : * 

Geoffroi Payen and a number of squires were 
upon the edge of the moat, examining the defences 
of the castle. Payen bore upon his shoulder a bat- 
tle-axe. The earth giving way caused him to slip 
and lose hold of his battle-axe, which fell into the 
water. Payen at once sought to recover it, and 
called to the men upon the walls not to shoot their 
arrows at him while making an effort to secure it. 
This they dechned to listen to, and declared that he 
should never regain his battle-axe. To this Payen 
angrily replied : " By the just God! without my axe 
I can neither drink nor eat, nor can I sleep or watch 
without it. Have my axe, I will ! at whatever 

cost." t 

Calling upon nine of his companions, they joined 
hands, and, sustained thus, he endeavoured to reach 
it. The weight proving too great for the one upon 
the bank, he broke his hold, and the remaining nine 

* Cuvelhier, Part II., v. 19834. f Idem., v. 19999 et seq. 



1372] English Prestige Lowered. 219 

fell into the moat.- Clambering out upon the other 
side, they rushed to the foot of the walls to take 
some revenge upon those who were sending num- 
bers of arrows against them. Their companions on 
the opposite side rushed to their rescue. 

Du Guesclin learned of this unexpected com- 
mencement of the siege while at dinner. Upsetting 
the table in his haste, he immediately disposed his 
forces for the attack in support of the party already 
engaged. The garrison was well prepared with 
every means of resistance, but the assault was 
pressed with great vigour, and at many points 
simultaneously. The walls were broken in several 
places, and finally a considerable breach was ef- 
fected. This was defended with great obstinacy. 
The demand of Du Guesclin for an unconditional 
surrender was met with a request for a parley, in 
which his terms were not accepted, and the assault 
was renewed with increased energy. 

A portion of the forces led by the Abbot of Mal- 
paye * effected an entrance through a breach, and, 
setting fire to a barn filled with hay, caused such a 
diversion as favoured the movements of the scaling 
parties, and the forces of the Constable gained 
entry to the town, which was surrendered, f 

The assault upon and capture of St. Severe is 
referred to by several chroniclers as one most re- 
markable for instances of personal prowess and skill 
at arms. The leading of the troops by their com- 
manders in person inspired them to remarkable 

* Sir Alain de Taillecol, known as the " Abbot of Malpaye." — Du 
Chastelet. 
f Cuvelhier, v. 20348 et seq., v. 20392. 



2 20 Bertrand du Guesclin. wzi\- 

feats of daring. The brilliancy of the assault is 
emphasised by the absence of the usual prepara- 
tions for protection of the besieging party, and the 
unexpected manner in which it was precipitated. 

The capture of the city not only gave Du Gues- 
clin an important fortress, but afforded the captors 
a rich return for their efforts. Large quantities of 
stores, money, armour, and other valuables, had 
been gathered here. All the English prisoners 
taken were admitted to ransom, but the French 
were executed.* 

While the capture of St. Severe was so fortunate 
for the French, it was a correspondingly severe loss 
to the Enghsh. Upon EngHsh prestige it exerted 
a depressing effect, on account of the surrender of a 
place strongly fortified, and equipped with every 
means for resisting a siege, and one in which had 
been gathered for safe keeping the large booty 
taken by the Free Companies during a long period. 

Sir John Devereaux, the Governor of Rochelle, 
learning of Du Guesclin's movement to join the 
French army about St. Severe, had immediately 
sought to secure a force with which to raise the 
siege. He accordingly communicated with the 
Captal de Buch and Sir Thomas Percy, who at once 
commenced to gather troops for the purpose. The 
Captal de Buch, with a force of nine hundred men- 
at-arms and five hundred archers, collected mainly 
in Poitou, hastened to the relief of the beleaguered 
fortress; but his movement was too late, as he 
encountered the remnants of the defeated garrison 
as he approached the city. 

* Cuvelhier, Part II., v. 20441 et seq. 



1372] English Prestige Lowered. 221 

Du Guesclin, soon after the capture of St. Severe, 
while in Limousin, received information from citi- 
zens of Poitiers of their desire to throw off the Eng- 
lish rule and to come under that of the King of 
France. He decided to go at once and meet the 
wishes of the French citizens, and aid them in secur- 
ing control of the city. He left the Dues de Bour- 
bon and de Berri in command of his army, and, 
taking a force of three hundred chosen lances, he 
pushed on by a forced march to Poitiers by slightly 
travelled and circuitous roads. 

The absence of Sir John Devereaux and Sir 
Thomas Percy favoured his plans. By a march of 
thirty leagues in a day and a night, he reached Poi- 
tiers, and was cordially received by the citizens. 
The Captal de Buch, fearing for the safety of Poi- 
tiers in the absence of its commandant, had de- 
spatched Sir Jean d'Angle with a detachment of 
knights to re-enforce the garrison ; but he was pre- 
vented by the rapid movements of Du Guesclin, and 
compelled to retreat in order to avoid capture. 

The surrender of Poitiers was a crushing blow 
to the English cause. Aside from the depression 
caused by the loss of so important a city, the grow- 
ing desire of the French to throw off all English rule 
led to divisions in the English councils ; and these, 
in turn, influenced defection from their forces, and 
terminated in the disbanding of the army of the 
Captal de Buch. 

This disaffection was early recognised by Du 
Guesclin, who sought by active movements to in- 
crease the desire of the French to rid themselves of 
any English domination. As soon as the final mat- 



222 Bertrand du Guesclin. wziv 

ters connected Avith the surrender of Poitiers were 
settled, he sent a force of three hundred lances, 
under command of Lord de Pons, against Soubise, 
a strongly fortified town on the river Charente. 

The Captal de Buch was informed of the move- 
ment by the commandant of the castle, and set out 
with a strong force to aid the garrison. Evan of 
Wales, whose mission to Henry of Castile had been 
successful, and who was then off the coast near 
Rochelle with a squadron of Spanish vessels, learned 
of the movements of the Captal de Buch. Taking 
a force of four hundred men-at-arms, he ascended 
the Charente in boats as far as Soubise. Conceal- 
ing his troops, he awaited the arrival of the Captal 
de Buch. The latter, with two hundred men-at- 
arms, arrived near the camp of the French toward 
evening. Suddenly attacking the command of Lord 
de Pons, he succeeded in slaying and capturing the 
entire command. 

Tidings of this affair were brought to Evan of 
Wales by his scouts. He immediately withdrew his 
men from their concealment, and falling upon the 
English camp, his men bearing torches and shouting 
their war-cries, he threw their entire force into a 
panic. Attacking them fiercely, he speedily capt- 
ured the entire body of English, including the 
Captal de Buch, who was made prisoner by Pierre 
Longvillers, a squire of Evan of Wales, and was 
soon after placed in the hands of the King of 
France, in whose custody he was kept a prisoner 
until the time of his death, five years later.* 
Charles refused every proposal for his ransom, and 
* Froissart, Liv. I,, Part II., p. 712. 



1372] English Prestige Lowered. 223 

rejected the very liberal offer of Edward III. for his 
release, as well as the requests of many French chev- 
aliers who sympathised with him in his claims for 
the privilege of ransom. 

Charles had more than a personal motive in de- 
clining to admit the Captal de Buch to ransom. 
He was the only leader whom the English then 
possessed capable of meeting the irresistible cam- 
paigns of Du Guesclin. To the English cause in 
Aquitaine his capture was a blow from which it 
never recovered. 

The Constable gave his enemies no time to regain 
confidence. He immediately despatched a force 
under Lord de Clisson, with the Lords de Laval, de 
Beaumanoir, de Pons, and the Vicomte de Rohan, 
against some of the fortresses in Angoumois and 
Saintonge. This body consisted mainly of Bretons 
and Poitevins, and numibered about five hundred 
men-at-arms. 

They first marched against St. Jean d'Angely; 
but, the garrison having lost its commander, the 
Captal de Buch surrendered without resistance. 
Immediately following, the city of Angouleme and 
Taillebourg also surrendered upon summons. The 
town of Saintes was next besieged. This refused to 
surrender, and prepared to resist a siege. A single 
day of assault, together with the demands of the 
French sympathisers in the garrison, compelled its 
governor. Sir William Fermiton, to listen to terms 
of capitulation, and to surrender. 

These continued successes, rapidly succeeding 
each other, led the city of Pons to surrender as soon 
as the troops appeared before it. Du Guesclin, 



2 24 Bertrand du Guesclin. [1371- 

taking advantage of the deepening depression of his 
adversaries, pushed his movements to obtain import- 
ant points with unabating energy. 

The city of Rochelle was a most necessary acqui- 
sition, and to its attainment he devoted himself. 
With Evan of Wales, who was blockading it with 
the Spanish fleet and forces, he joined in negotia- 
tion for its surrender. A strong desire prevailed 
among the population of the city, which was mainly 
French, to return under the sovereignty of the 
French King. 

A deputation, secretly sent to Du Gueschn by the 
citizens, proposed the surrender of the place on con- 
dition that certain privileges should be assured. He 
accordingly entered into their plans to secure pos- 
session of the city. 

When Sir John Devereaux, the Governor, had 
left the city to aid in raising the siege of St. Severe, 
he had placed in charge of the defences a squire, 
named Philippe Mansel, an expert man-at-arms. 
The Mayor of the city, who was strongly French in 
his sympathies, planned with a number of the leading 
citizens to deceive Mansel, and to gain possession of 
the castle and of the town by strategy. 

Inviting Mansel to dine, he laid before him a 
document purporting to be from Edward III., and 
bearing the great seal of England. As Mansel was 
unable to read, a clerk of the Mayor was called upon 
to read the contents of the letter. He had been 
previously instructed as to the part he was to play. 
Accordingly he read the letter as coming from Ed- 
ward III., and commanding the Mayor to order a 
muster of all the men-at-arms at Rochelle in order 



1372] English Prestige Lowered. 225 

to report to him the number of the effective forces 
for defence. Further, the Mayor proposed after the 
muster to pay the troops the wages then due. 
Mansel, without any suspicion, consented to order 
the muster required. 

The Mayor secretly placed a large body of armed 
men in concealment near the place of muster. On 
the following day, when the garrison had marched 
out of the castle and formed for review, the troops 
who had been concealed appeared between them 
and the castle. The Mayor and his attendants rode 
swiftly away, leaving the garrison at the mercy of 
the troops. Finding themselves placed in a hope- 
less condition, they surrendered and were disarmed.* 

As soon as Du Guesclin learned of the capture of 
Rochelle by the citizens, after consulting with the 
Dues de Bourbon and de Berri, he sent to learn 
what the desire of the Rochellois for the future 
might be. 

After a conference, a deputation consisting of 
twelve distinguished citizens was sent by the people 
of Rochelle to Charles V. at Paris, to state that they 
desired to yield allegiance to the King of France, 
but were only willing to do so on certain conditions. 
The principal of these were : the destruction of the 
citadel ; that the city should be held in perpetuity 
as a part of the domain of France ; that their money 
should be coined of the same value as that of Paris ; 
and that no impost or tax should be laid upon them 
without their consent ; and that Charles V. should, 
at his own expense, procure their absolution by the 
Pope from their oath of service to Edward III. 
* Froissart, Liv. I., Part II., pp. 651-653. 
IS 



226 Bertra7id du Guesclin. [1371- 

After many efforts to modify these demands, Charles 
granted them. Pending these negotiations, the 
Dues de Bourbon and de Berri had rejoined Du 
Gueschn at Poitiers. As soon as he learned of the 
submission of the Rochellois, he left Poitiers, taking 
a force of one hundred lances, and went to Rochelle, 
where he was warmly welcomed by the citizens. 
After a stay of a few days, sufficiently long to 
arrange all matters of importance, he returned to 
Poitiers. 

Having settled upon his next movements, he set 
out from Poitiers, accompanied by many of his most 
accomplished leaders, to quiet disturbances in the 
neighbourhood of Rochelle. Several castles in this 
vicinity were still held by the English, and were 
sources of constant menace to the surrounding 
country. With a force of two thousand lances, he 
besieged the Castle of Benon, which was defended 
by a strong garrison, and. was well supplied for a 
siege. During the preparations for assault a party 
of men-at-arms from the neighbouring castle of 
Surgieres made a night attack upon a portion of the 
forces of Du Guesclin, and escaped to their castle. 
Several of the French were killed, and among them 
Geoffroi Payen, a favourite squire of De Clisson, 
who had distinguished himself at the siege of St. 
Severe.* 

His death greatly angered Du Guesclin, who took 
an oath never to leave Benon until he had capt- 
ured it. 

On the following day, after the funeral and rites 
of the squire had been performed, he ordered an 
* Cuvelhier, v. 21719, 



1372] English Prestige Lowered. 227 

assault upon the castle, which he led in person, and 
which proved successful after an obstinate resist- 
ance. The entire garrison was executed by Lord de 
Clisson's orders.* 

Marching from Benon to the Castle of Marant, 
not far distant, its governor and garrisons surrend- 
ered without resistance as soon as he appeared. 
Pushing on to Surgieres, he found that castle evacu- 
ated by its garrison, which had fled on his approach. 
The strongly fortified town of Fontenay le Compte 
was next invested. The siege continued for some 
time, when the garrison offered to surrender on 
being allowed to retire with their property. 

From this point Du Guesclin returned to Poitiers, 
where he commenced preparations to undertake the 
siege of Thouars. These were soon completed, and 
at the head of an army of three thousand lances and 
four thousand other troops, including a large num- 
ber of bowmen, he marched rapidly to Thouars, 
which he invested closely. After a careful exami- 
nation of its fortifications, he decided that the 
strength of the garrison was such that attempt to 
take it by assault would involve great loss of life, 
and that the reduction of the city by a close siege 
and cutting off all supplies would be the most 
desirable course to pursue. 

The garrison comprised a large number of the 
knights and barons of Poitou, who had been con- 
stant in their allegiance to Edward of England. 
Recognising the plans of Du Guesclin in the dispo- 
sition of his forces, they foresaw the certainty of his 
success. A council of the lords and the authorities 
* Cuvelhier, v. 21836. 



228 Bertrand du Guesclin. 11371- 

of the city led them to consider the wisdom of mak- 
ing terms with the Constable, if possible, by which 
they might honourably retreat from their present 
unfortunate condition. 

Aside from the almost inevitable result of Du 
Guesclin's plans, they were influenced by the unin- 
terrupted success of his arms and the rapidly grow- 
ing power of the King of France. On every side 
they saw that the English were being driven from 
their possessions, and they also recognised the grow- 
ing desire of the people to come once more under 
the sovereignty of France. These influences com- 
bined to lead their council to the adoption of a 
proposition for conditional surrender. 

Du Guesclin and the Due de Berri entered into 
negotiations with the authorities, which were con- 
tinued for some time. The Governor of Thouars 
was anxious to gain as much delay as he could, in 
the hope that Edward III. might come to the rehef 
of its garrison. This Du Guesclin recognised, and 
strove to make the interval as short as possible. 

The 29th of September following was finally fixed 
upon for a conditional surrender. By this agreement 
the inhabitants of Thouars were to remain closely be- 
sieged ; and if Edward, or one of his sons, should fail 
to come and " keep the day " with a force sufficient 
to hold Thouars against the French before the day 
named, the city and all within it should become 
subject to the King of France. Messengers were at 
once sent to Edward III. by the authorities of 
Thouars, urging him to come to their relief. 

While Du Guesclin had been prosecuting this 
successful campaign, De Montfort was pursuing 



1372] English Prestige Lowered. 229 

secret negotiations with the King of England, in 
spite of his treaty with Charles V. and his profess- 
ions of allegiance. On the 19th of July, 1372, he 
concluded a treaty with Edward III., by which both 
parties to the treaty entered into an offensive and 
defensive alliance against the King of France, and 
each further agreed to enter into no treaty without 
the consent of the other.* 

Meanwhile the Due de Br^tagne attempted to 
gain to his interest a number of the lords and barons 
of the province. He succeeded with a few; but the 
Lords de CHsson, de Laval, and the Vicomte de 
Rohan, and others of the most powerful, were de- 
voted in their allegiance to the King of France. 
They were already much irritated against the Due 
de Br^tagne on account of his continued friendly 
relations with the King of England, and also on 
account of the number of English persons by whom 
he was surrounded. Their Franco-Breton loyalty 
led them to suspect his every movement ; and, 
instead of listening to his proposals to join his 
party, they threatened to drive the English from 
his territories, and himself with them if he contin- 
ued his secret alliances with the enemies of France. 

The appeal of the citizens of Thouars to Edward 
III. reached him while he was preparing for an in- 
vasion of France, which he had designed to place 
under the command of the Duke of Lancaster. On 
learning the condition of Thouars, he changed his 
plans, and decided to extend the proportions of his 
expedition, and to lead it himself. 

Arranging the affairs of his realm for an absence, 
* Rymer, vol. iii., p. 953. 



230 Bertrand du Gtiesclin. [1371- 

and placing his grandson, Richard, nominally in 
charge of the kingdom during his absence on the 
expedition, he prepared to set sail from Sandwich, 
September i, 1372. His forces consisted of four 
thousand men-at-arms and ten thousand bowmen, 
with four hundred vessels of all sizes. For four 
weeks he was prevented by adverse winds from 
effecting a landing on the French coast, and with 
increasing anxiety and discouragement he saw the 
29th day of September arrive and pass without 
being able to land upon the soil of France. Greatly 
disheartened, he was compelled to return to his own 
shores, thus adding another to the rapidly increas- 
ing list of failures and disasters which had recently 
befallen him. 

During the siege of Thouars, in anticipation of 
the relief expedition of Edward III., a force of 
English and Gascons had been assembled by Sir 
Thomas Felton in the vicinity of Bordeaux with 
the intention of co-operating with the movements of 
Edward after he should land. This force was, how- 
ever, too small to cope with any detachment which 
Du Guesclin might send against it. 

After the failure of Edward to relieve the garrison 
of Thouars, Sir Thomas Felton endeavoured to per- 
suade the authorities of Thouars and the knights of 
Poitou, then in the city, to join their forces with his 
own, and offer battle to the Constable after they 
should have evacuated Thouars. 

This they declined to do, both on account of their 
promise to become subjects of the King of France, 
and because they saw the hopelessness of such a 
measure. They knew, in part, the activity of the 



13721 English Prestige Lowered. 231 

Constable during the period of siege. In anticipa- 
tion of an effort by Edward to raise the siege, and 
in view of attempts at co-operation from other 
sources, he had steadily increased his forces, until 
by September 29th, the day on which the agreement 
terminated, he had an army which amounted to fif- 
teen thousand men-at-arms and thirty thousand 
troops beside, made up of bowmen and foot-sol- 
diers. With these troops were the most renowned 
chevaliers of Auvergne, Normandy, Brittany, Tou- 
raine, Blois, Anjou, and other sections. It was a 
force which, led by Du Guesclin, was able to cope 
successfully with any army which could be brought 
against it. The city of Thouars accordingly sur- 
rendered, and its inhabitants and defenders swore 
allegiance to the King of France. 

After the surrender of Thouars was effected, the 
Constable returned to Poitiers with the larger part 
of his forces. Lord de Clisson, with a strong body 
of men-at-arms, laid siege to the Castle of Mor- 
tagne, which was one of the few still held by the 
English in this province. The garrison, knowing 
that they could not long maintain themselves un- 
aided, sent for assistance to the knights of the gar- 
rison of Niort, the only town in the district still 
held by the English. Among the men-at-arms of 
this garrison were a number of English and Gascon 
knights, who conceived the plan of surprising De 
Clisson and making him a prisoner. Assembling a 
body of five hundred lances, they set out to reach 
the vicinity of Mortagne by a forced march and 
with the utmost secrecy. 

Lord de Clisson was too good a general not to 



232 Bertrand du Guesclin. [1371- 

watch his flanks and rear, and to guard against sur- 
prise. The expedition, though secretly and rapidly- 
pushed forward, failed to reach Lord de Clisson's 
forces as soon as a spy whom he kept at Niort to 
watch the movements of that garrison. Being 
notified in advance of the arrival of the surprise 
party, he withdrew his forces in safety, though 
compelled to leave his camp, which the attacking 
party found deserted, to their great chagrin in charg- 
ing upon it. After leaving Mortagne with his forces, 
he rejoined the Constable at Poitiers.* 

During these concluding months of the campaign, 
matters in Brittany had been by no means quiet. 
Aside from the secret efforts which the Due de Bre- 
tagne was making to conclude a treaty with the 
King of England, he was at the same time collecting 
troops to aid his intended invasion of France. The 
suspicions of the Breton barons of the existence of 
these covert alliances with the English were con- 
firmed by the movement of the Due to Brissac, in 
Anjou, at the head of a strong force, apparently to 
go to the aid of the English in Poitou. Charles V. 
immediately instructed the Constable to invade 
Brittany. Du Guesclin, taking four thousand men- 
at-arms, entered the province, and pushed rapidly 
forward as far as Rennes. The Due de Bretagne 
hastily withdrew, fearing to meet the Constable, 
On reaching the vicinity of Rennes, Du Guesclin 
had learned that the Duchesse de Bretagne had just 
left the city for Vannes. With the Due de Bour- 
bon, at the head of a strong force, he started in 
pursuit, and soon overtook and captured her escort. 
* Froissart, Liv. I., Part II., pp. 660, 661. 



13721 English Prestige Lowered. 233 

In her possession were found, among other matters 
of importance, the articles of agreement between 
Edward III. and the Due de Bretagne. The Duch- 
esse was sent to one of her own castles, after which 
the Constable marched to Redon with his army, 
whence, after an interview with a number of the 
Breton barons, he withdrew with his forces from the 
province and returned to Poitiers. 

During these latter events, the Due de Bretagne, 
unable to undertake any offensive or defensive 
efforts, awaited the coming of the detachment of 
troops sent to his aid by Edward III. With these 
came his ambassador bringing the treaty for signa- 
ture. As soon as the Constable had withdrawn from 
the province, the Due de Bretagne met Lord Neuf- 
ville, the English envoy, at St. Mahe, where he had 
landed with his forces, and ratified the treaty on the 
22d of November, 1372. 

These acts were a source of great displeasure to 
the Breton lords, who were incensed both by the 
arrival of an English force hostile to the King of 
France, and also by the alliance of the Due de Bre- 
tagne with them. 





CHAPTER XII. 

HE DRIVES THE ENGLISH FROM BRITTANY. 



I 372-1 374. 

Du Guesclin invades Brittany — Siege of Chizey — Success of the cam- 
paign — Du Guesclin returns to Poitiers — Edward III. again in- 
vades Brittany — Du Guesclin sent to oppose him — Success of his 
campaign — Capture of Duval — Siege of Hennebon — Surrender 
of Nantes — Edward III, invades France — Complete failure of 
the expedition — Efforts at peace by Gregory XI. — The English 
remnant reaches Bordeaux. 

THE winter following the close of his operations 
in Brittany was spent by Du Guesclin in con- 
sidering and maturing plans for a vigorous campaign 
to commence early in the following spring. He was 
also occupied in the arrangement of matters con- 
nected with his own affairs, especially those between 
Charles V. and himself regarding their mutual in- 
debtedness. The last of these matters was com- 
pleted on the 15th of February, 1373. 

In the earliest days of spring he collected his 
forces, and leaving Poitiers with fifteen hundred 
combatants, chiefly Bretons, he laid siege to the 
town and fortress of Chizey, of which Sir Robert 
Miton and Sir Martin Scot were captains.* With 
* Froissart, Liv. I., Part II., p. 622. 
234 



t372-74] English Driven from Brittany. 235 

Du GuescHn were many Breton leaders, among 
whom were Sir Olivier de Mauny, Messires Robert, 
Alain, and Jean de Beaumanoir, Sir Geoffroi, de 
Ricon, Sir Th^baut du Pont, Sir Geffroi de Quari- 
mel. Sir Alain de St. Pol, and many others. He 
surrounded the fortress and strengthened his own 
position by a ditch and palisades, with outposts 
to guard against surprise. Several attempts were 
made upon the walls with little success. The gar- 
rison, feeling that they could not sustain a pro- 
longed siege, succeeded in sending a messenger to 
Sir John Devereaux, commanding the English garri- 
son at Niort, about four leagues distant, begging 
him to come to their aid. They also informed him 
of Du Guesclin's position, and that he had but five 
hundred soldiers. 

Calling upon the garrison of Gensay and Lusignan 
for re-enforcements. Sir Thomas Devereaux assem- 
bled a force of seven hundred and three men-at-arms 
and three hundred foot-soldiers from Poitou and 
Brittany, and set out from Niort.* 

Before starting, one Jaconelle, captain of Chiev- 
ray, addressed Sir John Devereaux as follows: 
" Baron, listen to what I say; we are about to 
attack Bertrand. I vow to God, St. Peter, and St. 
Nicholas ! that in the midst of his people I will take 
him and lead him a prisoner to Niort; and if I can- 
not take him alive, I will take him dead ! I will 
cover my armour with white linen and bear upon 
my shoulder a red cross of St. George." To this 
Sir John Devereaux replied, " I will do the same." 
The tunic was then adopted by the entire party, f 

* Froissart, Liv. I., Part II., p. 663. 
f Cuvelhier, vv. 22050-22065. 



236 Bertrand du Guesclin. [1372- 

Lord de CHsson, who had been sent with a strong 
force to besiege Roche sur Yon, learned of the plans 
of Sir John Devereaux, and sent a messenger to 
the Constable, apprising him of his danger. * Du 
GuescHn made his preparations accordingly. 

Sir John Devereaux had expected by forced 
marches to surprise the Constable, and to attack him 
in front, while the garrison of Chizey would co-op- 
erate during the engagement. Reaching the vicin- 
ity of Chizey, he halted to allow his men to rest and 
to mature his plan of attack. While under the 
cover of a wood near the road, two waggons, loaded 
with wine for the French troops, approached, and 
were captured by his soldiers. The heads of the 
casks were knocked in, and the wine was drunk from 
every available vessel, even the helmets of the sol- 
diers. The effect of the wine upon his troops soon 
modified his plans. He had intended a night attack, 
but they were clamorous to be led against the 
French immediately. These counsels prevailed. 
Deceived as to the numbers of the forces of the 
Constable, he sent him a challenge to meet him 
in open battle. On consultation with his leaders, Du 
Guesclin decided to accept the challenge, and made 
immediate preparations for the battle. His military 
sagacity is well shown in his dispositions for the 
struggle, and his promptness to take advantage of 
developments during the action. 

His position had been strengthened by palisades 
and a ditch. Gathering his troops in line behind 
these, he detached Sir Jean de Beaumont with 
eighty lances, and placed them in concealment, 

* Cuvelhier, v, 21940. 



1374] English Driven from Brittany. 237 

where they could watch and check any effort of the 
garrison to co-operate with the troops of Sir John 
Devereaux. This detachment was hidden in his 
camp in his rear. Sir John Devereaux opened the 
battle by sending forward his three hundred Breton 
and Poitevin skirmishers. When these had reached 
his lines, and his leaders learned that they were 
Bretons, Du Guesclin called upon them to leave the 
English and return to their proper service of the 
King of France, threatening that if they did not do 
so they should receive no quarter.* 

They readily returned to their French associations, 
and joined the troops of Du Guesclin. From them 
he learned the number of the forces of Sir John 
Devereaux. He immediately changed his plan of 
battle. Directing Sir Alain de Beaumanoir and Sir 
Geoffroi de Quarimel each to take one hundred 
lances, and be ready to strike the enemy on both 
flanks and rear as soon as he should engage him in 
front, he ordered the barriers to be cut down, and 
led the attack in person, f 

Sir John Devereaux saw that his skirmishers had 
deserted him, and that he had misjudged the num- 
bers and strength of his opponents, but he met the 
attack of the Constable with firmness. The garrison 
of Chizey at this point sallied out to aid Sir John 
Devereaux, but were quickly defeated and captured 
by the force under Sir Jean de Beaumont. This 
result was communicated to Du Guesclin, who at 
once ordered his flanking columns, under Sir Alain 
de Beaumanoir and Sir Geoffroi de Quarimel, to 

* Froissart, Liv. I., Part II., p, 664. 
\ Cuvelhier, v. 22228 et seq. 



238 Bertrand du Guesclin. ti372- 

move upon the English lines, while he pressed them 
with renewed vigour in front, his troops shouting 
their battle-cries of '' Mountjoy I St. Denis!'' 
* ' Notre Dame ! Guesclin I ' ' 

During this part of the battle he was attacked by 
Jaconelle, who had sworn to take him prisoner. 
But Du Guesclin, seizing him by the visor and rais- 
ing him from the ground, struck him a blow in the 
eye with his dagger which destroyed it, and, throw- 
ing him behind him, called to some of his followers, 
" Kill this ribald for me, he annoys me! " * 

Sir John Devereaux, seeing that further resistance 
was hopeless, surrendered with the remainder of his 
force, among whom were more than three hundred 
knights and squires. The forces of the English and 
the garrison having been defeated and captured, the 
town and castle were promptly occupied by the 
troops of the Constable. This occurred on the 21st 
of March, 1373. 

Leaving a sufificient garrison in the town and 
Castle of Chizey, the Constable prepared to move 
upon Niort immediately, which he hoped to take 
without assault. Stripping the tunics of white cloth 
from the followers of Sir John Devereaux, he caused 
his own men to put them on. Mounting them 
upon the horses captured from the English, he 
started for Niort, and soon appeared before its bar- 
riers. The garrison, seeing a body of men-at-arms 
mounted upon the horses which had been ridden 
by the English and bearing their pennons, and 
covered with the white tunic with the red cross of 
St. George upon the shoulder, supposed them to be 
* Cuvelhier, v. 22444 ^^ ^^?' 



1374] English Driven from Brittany. 239 

the English force returning. They immediately 
opened the gates and admitted them to the city.* 

After a rest of four days at Niort, the Constable 
resumed his march and reached the Castle of Lusig- 
nan, which he found deserted by its garrison, who 
had fled after hearing of the result of the battle of 
Chizey. He took it without resistance, and, leav- 
ing a sufificient force to garrison it, advanced to the 
Castle Achard, which was held by the wife of Lord 
Guiscard d'Angle, who was then a prisoner in 
Spain. Her request to be left undisturbed was 
granted ; and the Constable pushed on to Mortmer, 
which he besieged. This was soon yielded by the 
Dame de Mortmer, who commanded it, and was 
placed by her with that of Dienne under the King 
of France. 

There were left at this time in Poitou but two or 
three castles which were not in possession of the 
French. With these exceptions, all had been taken 
from the English, and their garrisons had been 
driven out. 

This active and successful campaign terminated, 
Du Guesclin returned to Poitiers, where he was the 
recipient of a most cordial welcome. Disbanding 
his army, he went with the Dues de Berri, de Bour- 
bon, and de Bourgogne to Paris for a council with 
Charles V. Here, as elsewhere, he was met with 
every demonstration of affection and admiration by 
the people. This growing enthusiasm in the success 
of the Constable, and expressions of affection for 

* Froissart, Liv. I., Part II., p. 666, This event has undoubtedly 
been the basis of some of the romances referred to the ' ' White Com- 
pany." 



240 Bertrand du Guesclm. [1372- 

him, were not simply popular applause for a success- 
ful leader. They arose from a deeper feeling. The 
common people looked upon him as a friend and a 
deliverer, who had undertaken their cause against 
those who had despoiled and oppressed them, and 
had driven out the invader and secured to them 
protection and safety. To the French people at 
large, and especially the barons and leaders, he had 
shown that the disasters of Crecy, of Poitiers, and 
other defeats, were not due to lack of courage, but 
to want of military skill and generalship. He had 
taught them that with it they could conquer the 
invader and place France once more in the hands of 
Frenchmen, and that united France would soon 
take her place at the head of the nations. 

He had fully sympathised in and appreciated the 
view held by Charles V., that France to be strong 
must be united, and that the petty sovereignties of 
the princes, with their attendant jealousies, should 
become merged into a broad central authority of the 
King, which should recognise the rights of the 
princes and barons, while at the same time it fos- 
tered a spirit of patriotism and an unyielding loyalty 
to the Government of France. 

In pursuing his policy of driving the English 
entirely from France, Charles V. decided that an 
important aid in the accompHshment of this result 
would be the termination of all relations with the 
Due de Bretagne, and the removal from that prov- 
ince of so dangerous an enemy to the peace and 
unity of France. His secret dealings with Edward 
III. and the treaty which he had recently concluded 
with him, while professing loyalty to the King of 



1374] English Driven from Brittany. 241 

France, were in themselves causes for rupture of all 
relations with him. But events were occurring which 
soon gave him occasion to break all truce with him, 
and to undertake measures to drive him from 
Brittany, and to confiscate his possessions in that 
province. 

The utter failure of his expedition of invasion led 
Edward III. to renew the attempt to retrieve his 
extensive losses and regain his fallen prestige. He 
accordingly fitted out an expedition, which he placed 
under command of the Earl of Salisbury. This was 
directed to follow the movements of the conjoined 
French and Spanish fleets under Evan of Wales, 
and also to co-operate with any movements of the 
Due de Bretagne in support of the English cause in 
France. 

This fleet reached the French coast at St. Malo. 
In its harbour they found seven Spanish ships with 
cargoes of goods. These were destroyed, and their 
crews were slaughtered. Entering the town of St. 
Malo, they plundered it, and carried away consider- 
able booty. 

The feeling of dissatisfaction on the part of the 
Breton barons and lords with the Due de Bretagne 
and his relations with the English now broke out 
into open hostility. This last act of the English 
fleet was attributed to him ; and the Breton lords 
angrily repudiated their allegiance to him, and 
closed their fortresses and towns against him. 
Charles V. was prompt to take advantage of these 
conditions. To the request of the Breton lords 
that he raise an army and take the field against the 
Due de Bretagne and his English allies, he gave a 
16 



242 Bertra7id du Guesclin. [1372- 

willing ear and ready assent. Calling Du Guesclin 
into council, he directed him to raise a strong force 
immediately, with which to enter Brittany and take 
possession of the entire province. 

Nothing could have been more agreeable to the 
Constable, who promptly assembled an army at 
Angers, consisting of four thousand lances and ten 
thousand archers and foot-soldiers. With him were 
the Due de Bourbon, the Comte d'Alengon, the 
Comte de Boulogne, Lord de Clisson, the Vicomte 
de Rohan, Lord de Beaumanoir, and all the great 
barons of Brittany.* 

The news of these movements was communicated 
to the Due de Bretagne at Vannes. Hearing of the 
extensive expedition against him, and fearing that 
he should be taken prisoner, he fled to Auray, 
where he spent six days only, not daring to remain 
and sustain a siege. There not being a town in 
Brittany or France in which he felt it safe to reside, 
he left the Duchesse, his wife, with a part of his 
followers, in the care of a chevalier who was devoted 
to his cause, Jean Augustin. Hastening to St. 
Mah^, he was met on his arrival by closed gates and 
a threatening refusal to admit him. He then went 
directly to the coast, and embarked for England at 
Concarneau, and on the 28th of April landed at 
Cornwall, leaving his possessions in charge of Sir 
Thomas Knolles. 

Du Guesclin, on leaving Angers, marched to 
Rennes, which at once surrendered to him, and its 
inhabitants took the oath of allegiance to the King 
of France. From Rennes he proceeded to Dinan, 

* Froissart, Liv. I., Part II., p. 699, 



1374] English Driven from Brittany, 243 

which also surrendered to him, as Rennes had done. 
From thence he pushed on to Vannes, which opened 
its gates and acknowledged submission to France. 
Here he remained to rest and refresh his Breton and 
French troops. Leaving Vannes, he marched to 
the Castle of Succinio, a favourite residence of the 
Due de Bretagne. This he besieged. The fortress 
was held by a garrison of English, and, being 
strongly devoted to the Due de Bretagne, prepared 
for a stubborn defence.* For four days they suc- 
cessfully resisted his efforts, when the fortress was 
carried by storm and the garrison was executed. 
The castle was given to one of his squires, a skilful 
man-at-arms, Evan de Maille. 

From Succinio the Constable moved against the 
city and Castle of Jugon, a most important point. 
This also surrendered and took the oath of obedi- 
ence to the King of France. Following this capture 
he took successively the fortresses of Goy la Foret, 
Roche Derrien, Ploermel, Chateau Josselin, Faouet, 
Guingant, St. Mah^, Garlandc, Quimperl^, Quim- 
percorentan, and other villages in these sections. 

The Earl of Salisbury and the English at St. 
Malo, learning of the progress and success of the 
Constable, entered their fleet, and sailed for Brest, 
which was one of the best and strongest harbours 
on the coast. 

At Brest a strong force was already assembled, 
under Sir Robert Knolles; while the troops of the 
Earl of Salisbury, who had hurriedly left St. Malo 
at the time of the departure of the fleet, added still 
further strength to the garrison. On the way to 
* Froissart, Liv. I., Part II., p. 670, 



244 Bertrand du Guesclin. [1372- 

Brest the Earl of Salisbury had stopped for a day at 
the Castle of Hennebon, where, under the command 
of a squire named Thomelin Wick, he left an Enghsh 
garrison of one hundred and twenty men-at-arms. 

Du Guesclin reached St. Malo on the day follow- 
ing the withdrawal of the English fleet and troops, 
and was much disappointed in their having escaped 
him. Pushing rapidly forward, he besieged the 
town and Castle of Hennebon, which he found 
determined to resist him. Preparing for an assault, 
he went before the barriers, and addressed the in- 
habitants as follows: " God wills, men of the city, 
that we can take you ; and know ye that if the sun 
can enter your city, we can do so also ; if any of you 
aid the garrison in the defence, we will cut off the 
heads of every man, woman, and child in the city! " 
This so terrified the inhabitants that they refused 
to aid the garrison. The English, finding that they 
could get no support from the townspeople, at one® 
concluded that they could not maintain the defence 
of the place, and sent a herald to the Constable, pro- 
posing to surrender, if they and the inhabitants who 
were favourable to the cause of the Due de Bre- 
tagne might be allowed to leave the fortress with 
what they could carry of their possessions, and go 
in safety to Brest. This was accepted by the Con- 
stable, and the town and fortress passed into his 
hands. 

Leaving a sufficient garrison in rfennebon, he set 
out for Nantes. On his route he made a detour in 
order to capture the Castle of Derval. As this was 
a stronghold and well garrisoned, he made extensive 
preparations for the siege. 



1374] English Driven from Brittany. 245 

At this time the Due d'Anjou, with a force of 
one thousand lances and four thousand other troops, 
was pressing the siege of Roche sur Yon, which was 
held by the English. The withdrawal of the troops 
of the Constable from the vicinity of Brest led the 
Earl of Salisbury to leave Brest and embark his 
army, without his horses, in his fleet, since supplies 
for the large force then in the city could be obtained 
only with the greatest difficulty. He withdrew into 
Guerande in order to rest and recuperate his forces. 
With him were Lord Neufville, Lord Stapleton, Sir 
John Devereaux, and others.* 

During the siege of Derval many gallant deeds of 
arms were performed by the chevaliers on each side ; 
but the castellans. Sir Hugh Brooks and his brother, 
saw the disposition of the Constable, and realised 
their inability to sustain the siege much longer. 
They accordingly sent a proposal to him to sur- 
render the fortress if they were not relieved within 
forty days by a force sufficient to raise the siege. 

This proposition Du Guesclin sent to the Due 
d'Anjou for his approval. The Duke advised its 
acceptance ; but the Constable added the provision 
that no one should enter Derval unless accompanied 
by a force sufificient to raise the siege. 

It was further demanded that four hostages should 
be given by the garrison for the faithful fulfilment 
of these stipulations. These provisions were ac- 
cepted by Sir Hugh Brooks, and two knights and 
two squires were given as hostages, and the truce 
was signed. Leaving four thousand soldiers to 
maintain the siege, and sending the hostages to the 

* Froissart, Liv. I., Part II., p. 672. 



246 Bertrand du Guesclin. [1372- 

Duc d'Anjou, the constable with five hundred lances 
marched to Nantes. 

When he arrived before the city, he found the 
gates closed, and a deputation of the burghers await- 
ing him between the gates and the barriers. The 
constable stated that he came in the name of the 
King of France to take possession of their city, 
which John de Montfort, called the Due, had for- 
feited. The burghers replied that De Montfort was 
their natural sovereign, and that they had sworn 
fealty to him ; but, if he had forfeited his rights, 
they were willing to yield to the King of France, 
on condition, that, if the Due returned to his prov- 
ince and became a loyal Frenchman, then they 
might return to their loyalty to him ; that in the 
meantime no revenues or rents should be collected, 
but they should be retained in trust until they re- 
ceived " other news, which they hoped would better 
please them." * 

They assured the Constable that they were ready 
to receive him as the envoy of the King of France, 
and to take oath that they would remain good 
Frenchmen, and not permit the English to enter 
their city. 

Du Guesclin, who saw in their position one of 
creditable loyalty to one whom they considered 
their natural sovereign, said that " he desired noth- 
ing else " ; and thus the matter was concluded. He 
entered the city, where he remained eight days. 
On the ninth he took up his residence in a little 
village near Nantes, in a beautiful manor upon the 
Loire, belonging to the Due de Bretagne. Here he 

* Froissart, Liv. I., Part II., p. 673. 



1374] English Driven from Brittany. 247 

received accounts of the several sieges then in pro- 
gress in Brittany, and communications also from 
Charles V. 

While these events were occurring in Brittany, 
John de Montfort had pleaded with Edward III. to 
send an expedition to the province to aid him in 
regaining his lost possessions. Edward, since the 
failure of his expedition to relieve Thouars and to 
check the brilliant successes of Du Guesclin, had 
determined to fit out another expedition in the 
most complete manner for another invasion of 
France, and to make an attempt to regain some 
portion of what he had lost of towns and fortresses. 
He therefore listened to the pleading of the Due dc 
Montfort, and collected a well-appointed force, vari- 
ously estimated at from six to sixteen thousand 
men-at-arms and archers, under the command of the 
Duke of Lancaster and the Due de Brctagne. 

This expedition was to land at Calais, pass through 
Picardy, and occupy the county between the Seine 
and the Loire. Sustaining themselves in Nor- 
mandy and Brittany by foraging, they were to aid 
the besieged garrisons of Becherel, St. Sauveur, 
Brest, and Derval, and meet the French in battle, if 
they were able to do so. These preparations were 
completed during the month of June. 

Shortly after the arrival of the Constable at Nantes, 
the fortress of Roche sur Yon had been compelled 
to surrender to the Due d'Anjou; and immediately 
following this event a knight and two squires came 
to him from Lord de Clisson, bearing an offer of 
capitulation of the fortress of Brest by Sir Robert 
Knolles. This agreed to yield the fortress if not 



248 Bertrand du Guesclin. [1372- 

relieved within a month by a force sufficient to raise 
the siege. 

Sir Robert Knolles proposed this in order to gain 
time, by which he hoped to secure the aid of the 
troops of the Earl of Salisbury to relieve the siege 
of Brest, and of his own Castle of Derval. He also 
anticipated the arrival of aid from Edward III., in 
response to the request of the Due de Montfort, 
which would still further increase his resources. 
Du Guesclin accepted the proposition upon the giv- 
ing of hostages, and, awaiting the expiration of the 
term agreed upon, withdrew the main body of his 
army toward Nantes. 

This withdrawal of the close investment tempted 
Sir Robert Knolles to break his agreement; and, 
leaving Brest, he succeeded in entering his Castle of 
Derval in spite of the express stipulation of the 
truce to the contrary. At the same time he sent a 
messenger to the Earl of Salisbury, informing him of 
the situation. 

The Earl of Salisbury immediately left Gu6rande, 
embarked his troops, and landed at Brest. His 
forces amounted to two thousand men-at-arms and 
two thousand archers. Drawing out from Brest, he 
selected a position, and arranged his forces in order 
of battle, spending his days in this order, and return- 
ing to his ships at night. A week was passed in 
this manner. At the end of this time he sent a 
herald to the Constable with a challenge to meet him 
in battle, saying that he had come to keep the en- 
gagement made by Sir Robert Knolles, and that he 
was prepared to raise the siege of Brest, and de- 
manded the return of the hostages. To this mes- 



1374] English Driven from Brittany. 249 

sage the Constable replied: " Herald, you bring us 
good news, and you are welcome. Tell your mas- 
ters that we have a great desire to fight them, more 
than they to fight us, but they are not in the place 
where the treaty was made. Tell them that if they 
will go there, we will fight them." On considering 
the message of the Constable, the Earl of Salisbury 
replied that " they were sailors, and had no horses, 
and that it was unreasonable that they should go 
on foot ; if the French would send them their horses, 
that they would go to meet him ; if they did not 
wish to do this, that they should send back their 
hostages." 

To this Du GuescHn replied: " Herald, we need 
our horses; it is not a reasonable request. Tell 
them, good friend, that we will not give our ene- 
mies that advantage ; if it pleased God that we send 
them our horses, they would keep them, which 
would be a great outrage ; if we were to do this, we 
should demand good hostages sufficient to repay 
for our horses." " Truly," said the herald, " I 
was not instructed on this." The Constable re- 
plied: " Since they do not desire to come to meet 
us, and excuse themselves on the ground that they 
are sailors, and since they are not at the place at 
which the treaty was made, tell them when you 
return that we will give them so much advantage as 
that we will go to the proper place ; let them come 
there if they will, and we will fight them ! " 

Du Guesclin, with his leaders and his troops, then 
moved to a strong position near Brest. When the 
Earl of Salisbury learned this fact, he sent a herald, 
proposing to come one, third of the way if the 



250 Bertrand du Guesclin. [1372- 

French would come two-thirds; if they would not 
do this, they should send back his hostages. Neither 
party was willing to leave the position taken, and 
the English thereupon placed a part of their force 
in the garrison of Brest, and, embarking the remain- 
der, sailed for St. Mah^. No troops were sent to 
the relief of Derval."'^' 

After the departure of the English, the Constable 
went to Rennes, where he prepared for the pay- 
ment of his troops. To meet this, he imposed a 
tax upon each fire in several of the neighbouring 
bishoprics : this was levied on the 20th of August. 
After having arranged these matters, he marched 
with his forces to Derval, to be prepared for the day 
set for its surrender, unless relieved before that 
date. Sir Robert Knolles refused to keep the agree- 
ment, although there was no possibility of the arrival 
of any force in his aid. He claimed that in his 
absence his lieutenant had no right to make any 
agreement to surrender the fortress, and that he 
would not keep such an agreement. The Constable 
was much surprised at this action, and sent to the 
Due d'Anjou for instructions. 

The Due was greatly irritated, and came with all 
haste to Derval, bringing a strong force of men-at- 
arms with him. On his arrival he threatened Sir 
Robert Knolles, that, unless he kept his agreement, 
he would cause the hostages to be put to death. 
This made no impression upon the freebooter, and 
only called forth the reply, that, if the Due d'Anjou 
were to do this, he would immediately execute four 
French chevaliers whom he held for ransom in his 
castle. 

* Froissart, Li v. I., Part II., p. 676. 



1374] English Driven from Brittany. 251 

The Due d'Anjou, in spite of the entreaties of his 
lords and barons, ordered the instant execution of 
the hostages in front of the castle. Sir Robert 
Knolles immediately brought the four French pris- 
oners upon a platform in front of one of the windows 
of his castle, and struck off their heads, throwing 
their bodies into the moat. The operations at Der- 
val were terminated by the recall of the Constable 
and the Due d'Anjou to Paris.* 

The Duke of Lancaster, as soon as the prepara- 
tions for his expedition were complete, sailed for 
the coast of France in July, and landed at Calais. 
With him were Lord Edward Spencer, Constable of 
the English Army, and the Marshals, the Counts of 
Warwick and of Suffolk, and the Count of Stafford, 
with other notable barons. They marched through 
Pieardy by easy stages, passing Guines, Ardres, and 
the Castle of Montoire without attacking them. 
They also passed by St. Omer and St. Pol. Near 
St. Quentin and in the vicinity of Ribemont a 
detachment of French troops under Lord Bousies 
and Sir Jean Beuel, numbering one hundred and 
twenty men-at-arms, attacked a force of Sir Hugh 
Calverly's English troops, numbering eighty knights 
and squires, and killed and captured a number of 
them. A little later a detachment of the same 
force, which came to avenge the defeat of their 
comrades, was equally unfortunate, f 

Without any notable military effort, the Duke of 
Lancaster traversed the fertile sections of Pieardy, 
the Isle of France, and Champagne. 

The policy adopted by Charles V. was to avoid a 
general engagement, to strengthen the garrisons of 

* Froissart, Liv. I., Part II., p. 677. f Idem., p. 680. 



252 Bertrand du Guesclin. [1372- 

his fortresses, and to divide his forces into smaller 
bodies under able leaders. By these means he pur- 
sued a campaign of annoying and harassing his 
enemy by unexpected attacks, and by cutting off 
his foraging parties and supplies. The rear of the 
English Army was closely followed and its flanks 
pressed by a force of above four hundred lances 
under Lord de Clisson, with Lord de Laval, the 
Vicomte de Rohan, and others; but no engage- 
ment of importance took place. One of the most 
notable of the minor actions, of which there were 
many, occurred on the 21st of September, near the 
little village of Ouchy, where Sir Jean de Vienne 
and Sir Jean Beuel, with one hundred and twenty 
lances, made a night attack upon the English 
camp. The part surprised was that under com- 
mand of Sir Walter Huet. The attack occurred 
just before daybreak, and was so completely suc- 
cessful that the entire camp was thrown into great 
confusion; Sir Walter Huet was killed, with a num- 
ber of his followers ; and many were taken prisoners. 
The French retired without loss,* 

At this time Charles V. summoned Lord de Clis- 
son to come to Paris to take part in the council to 
which he had already called Du Guesclin and the 
Dues d'Anjou, de Berri, and de Bourgogne. The 
important subject of this conference was the de- 
mand, which many of the most earnest and power- 
ful of the leaders of the forces of the King of France 
had made, that a general battle should be had 
with the English. 

When the council was opened, Charles V. laid 

* Froissart, Liv. I., Part II., p. 68 1. 



1374] English Driven from Brittany. 253 

before it the statements and demands of the nobles 
and barons, that a battle should be had between the 
two armies, that the progress of the English through 
the country was a reflection upon the courage and 
skill of the French leaders, and other similar com- 
plaints. He then called upon Du Guesclin, as most 
experienced in these matters, to express his opinion. 

The Constable was very cautious. He said : ' ' Sire, 
those who urge us to fight the English do not appre- 
ciate the peril of such a course. I do not say that 
they should not be fought, but it should be done 
with advantage to us, as they know well how to do 
for theirs, and as they have done many times at 
Crecy, at Poitiers, in Gascony, in Brittany, in 
France, in Picardy, and in Normandy. These vic- 
tories have greatly injured your realm and the 
nobles who are in it. They are so conceited that 
they think of no nation except their own, on ac- 
count of the great ransoms which they have secured, 
and by which they have become enriched. Here is 
my companion, the Lord de Clisson, who can speak 
on this point better than I, for he was brought up 
among them from his childhood, and knows better 
than any of us their manners and conditions. So I 
pray, dear Sire, if it be your pleasure, that he may 
aid me to conclude my speech." 

Lord de Clissson was requested by the King, with 
much consideration, to express his opinion, and 
said: " If it please God, my lords, the English have 
been so fortunate that they think they cannot be 
defeated ; and in battle they are the most confident 
people in the world, for the more blood they see, 
whether their own or their enemy's, the more eager 



254 Bertrand du Guesclin, [1372- 

they are for the fray. They say that this success 
will not desert them while their King survives, so 
that, all things considered, my humble advice is 
that we do not meet them in battle unless they are 
taken at a disadvantage, as one should take his 
enemies in war. I consider the affairs of France in 
good condition, and what the English once held 
they have lost by careful warfare on our part. So, 
good Sire, you have had good counsel trust to it 
still."* 

" By my faith! Lord de Clisson," repHed the 
King, " I do not intend to go beyond it, nor do I 
desire to place my chivalry nor my kingdom in dan- 
ger of loss ; and I again charge you, together with 
my Constable, with the welfare of my realm, for 
your opinion seems wisely taken. And you ? what 
say you, my brother of Anjou ? " 

** By my faith! " replied the Due d'Anjou, " who 
ever advises you otherwise will not do so loyally. 
We should continue to war against the English as 
we have commenced ; when they expect to find us 
in one part of the realm, we shall be in another, and 
we will always take, at our convenience, the little 
which they now hold. I hope to do so well by the 
aid of these brave companions, that in Aquitaine 
and upper Gascony they will hold little." 

This cautious policy was in accordance with that 
which Charles V. most desired to follow. In termi- 
nating the conference, he assigned a force of five 
hundred lances only to the Constable and Lord de 
Clisson, with instructions to act mainly as a corps of 
observation, and to pursue their previous method 

* Froissart, Liv. I,, Part II., pp. 683, 684. 



1374] English Driven from Brittany. 255 

of warfare, and harass the English without risking a 
general battle. This force found the English ope- 
rating in Champagne along the fertile country on 
both- banks of the Marne, which they crossed at will 
by means of bridges which were constructed by a 
force of engineers which they took with them. This 
fertile country was levied upon for supplies, and 
pillaged by their troops as far as Troyes. At this 
city the Dues de Bourbon and de Bourgogne had 
assembled a force of twelve hundred lances. 

Du Guesclin had reached Troyes with his forces 
before the English. The English, turning past 
Troyes, marched to Sens. 

Here Lord de Clisson had prepared a surprise for 
them. Placing two hundred men-at-arms a short 
distance from Sens, he ordered them to await the 
approach of the English. He further ordered them, 
that on their arrival they should fall back before 
them, and draw them on to the body of his forces, 
which he had placed in concealment on both sides 
of the road, about a league distant. The plan suc- 
ceeded. The English attacked and pursued the 
first body, and were led by them onward until they 
came upon the main body of De Clisson's forces, 
which attacked them with great fury. A large 
number of the English were slain, fully six hundred, 
while almost as large a number were made prisoners. 

While these events were taking place, Gregory 
XI. had attempted to negotiate a peace between 
the Kings of England and France ; but, as neither 
was desirous of discontinuing the war, his efforts 
were fruitless. 

The campaign of the summer had been without 



256 Bertrand du Guesclin. [1372-74 

material advantage to the English army of invasion. 
They had marched a long distance into the interior 
of a hostile country, where they were surrounded by 
an enemy, ever alert and active, and most skilful in 
his efforts to embarrass them. 

They were now face to face with the inclement 
season. So incessant was the watchfulness of their 
enemy, that they were unable to obtain sufficient 
provisions, and were compelled to keep their forces 
closely together in order to prevent their capture 
and defeat in detail. Cold and a lack of provisions 
soon produced sickness and mortality among them, 
which cost them the lives of many of their knights 
and squires. More than half their horses died from 
hard service and scanty food. 

Internal dissensions arose between their leaders, 
ending in an open rupture between the Duke of 
Lancaster and the Due de Bretagne. The latter 
left the camp of the Duke of Lancaster with the 
mere handful of his followers which remained. 
Marching to Bergerac, he subsequently went to Bor- 
deaux, where he passed the winter. 

The Duke of Lancaster also succeeded in reaching 
Bordeaux with the shattered remnant of his army 
in the latter days of December. 



CHAPTER XIII. 

THE CONSTABLE REDEEMS AQUITAINE AND 
POITOU. 

I 374-1 376. 

Marriage of Du Guesclin with Jeanne de Laval — His campaign in 
Aquitaine and Poitou — Surrender of Moissac — Siege and sur- 
render of Auberoche, of La Reole and Becherel — Siege of Quim- 
perle — Treaty of Bruges — Termination of the campaign. 

THE campaign of invasion of 1373, which, with- 
out any advantage gained, had terminated so 
disastrously to the English and the Due de Bre- 
tagne, was full of encouragement to the King of 
France and to the Constable. In the interval elaps- 
ing between its close and the active preparations for 
new operations, Du Guesclin married Jeanne de 
Laval, the daughter of Jean de Laval, Lord de 
Chatillon, and Isabeau de Tinteniac. She was con- 
sequently the granddaughter of Jean, Lord de Tin- 
teniac, who was killed at Mauron, and Jeanne de 
Dol, Dame de Tinteniac. The contract of this 
marriage was signed at Rennes on Saturday, the 
2 1st of January, 1374.* 

* Du Guesclin left no children by either of his wives. Jeanne de 
Laval survived him some years. After his death, by dispensation of 
17 257 



258 Bertrand du Guesclin, [1374- 

It will be remembered that twenty years before 
this event Du Guesclin had achieved a brilliant 
deed of arms in the defeat and capture of Sir Hugh 
Calverly, in his attempt to surprise the Marechal 
d'Audrehem while the guest of the Dame de Tin- 
teniac at her castle of Montmuran ; and that it was 
here, and on that occasion, that he was made a full 
chevalier for his gallantry.* The chapel in which 
he was invested with the white robe of the chevalier 
was, according to local tradition, the place of his 
marriage with Jeanne, the granddaughter and heir- 
ess of the Dame de Tinteniac. 

Shortly after Du Guesclin's marriage occurred 
that of his cousin, Olivier de Mauny, who had been 
his intimate companion, and had shared in all of his 
important military experiences. He had sought the 
hand of the only daughter of the Lord de Roye of 
Picardy, who was then held as a prisoner by the 
English. At the same time Henry of Castile held 
as a prisoner Lord Guiscard d' Angle, whose freedom 
Edward IIL was anxious to secure, as he was an 
English subject. Olivier de Mauny treated with 
Henry of Castile for his delivery to himself, to- 
gether with his son William d 'Angle, in exchange 
for the lands of Gr^te which Olivier de Mauny held 
in Castile. With these two prisoners he effected 
the exchange of Lord de Roye and his return to his 
possessions, after which he married his daughter.f 

Pope Guy XII., she married Lord de Laval, her cousin. Jeanne de 
Laval was living in 1429, and in the first months of this year Jeanne 
d'Arc sent to her a small gold ring as an assurance of her veneration 
for one vs'ho bore the name of Du Guesclin. — Proces de Jeanne d'Arc, 
par J. Quicherat, t. v. , p. 109. 

* Luce, Vie de Bert, du Guesclin^ p. 129. 

f Froissart, Liv. I., Part II., pp. 684, 685. 



1376] Aquitaine and Poitou Redeemed. 259 

The preparations for the campaign of 1374 were 
early commenced and early completed. Before the 
middle of April the Due d'Anjou had gathered at 
Perigeux an army of ten thousand men-at-arms, 
fifteen hundred cross-bow men, and thirty thousand 
troops of other characters ; in all, an army estimated 
at forty thousand men. With these troops it was 
his purpose to drive the remaining English from 
Aquitaine and from the frontiers of Gascony. This 
army was under command of Du Guesclin, with 
Lord de Clisson, and others of the lords of Brittany 
and Gascony. 

Marching from Perigeux, they passed the abbey 
of St. Sever, which was unmolested, on the delivery 
of hostages by the abbot, and a promise to abide by 
any decision regarding his allegiance which might 
be decided upon by the temporal lords. From St. 
Sever the Constable proceeded to Lourdes, which he 
besieged. The garrison maintained a most obsti- 
nate defence for fifteen days, at the end of which 
time the town was carried by assault and pillaged, 
and a large number of the garrison were killed. 
From Lourdes he marched to Sault, another of the 
fortified towns of the Comte de Foix. At this time 
the Comte de Foix, who had maintained a wise 
neutrality heretofore between the English and 
French causes, now proposed that if further opera- 
tions against his lands were suspended until the 
middle of August, he would declare himself the sub- 
ject of either party which should prove himself the 
stronger before Moissac on that day. After consul- 
tation, this proposition was accepted by the Due 
d'Anjou. ^ 



26o Bertrand du Guesdin. [1374- 

Through the intervention of Pope Gregory XI. a 
truce was arranged at this time by the Constable and 
the Due d'Anjou with the Duke of Lancaster, to 
continue until the 1st day of September following. 
After this was concluded, the Duke of Lancaster 
crossed to England, leaving Sir Thomas Felton 
Governor of the province of Aquitaine in his 
absence. 

The day appointed by the Comte de Foix for the 
trial of strength before Moissac arrived, and found 
the Due d'Anjou with a strong and well-appointed 
army on the field. The English failed to appear in 
force. Sir Thomas Felton came under safe-con- 
duct, and stated that the day was included in the 
truce. The French, however, held that nothing 
was mentioned of this in the articles of truce, and 
that it did not suspend the agreement. The Comte 
de Foix accordingly placed himself and his lands 
under the sovereignty of France ; and the Due 
d'Anjou entered and took possession of Moissac, 
after which he marched with his army to Toulouse. 
From here he pushed on toward Bordeaux with the 
intention of besieging Auberoche and La Reole, a 
strong castle held by the English. The town and 
castle were surrendered without resistance on Sep- 
tember 7, 1374, on the arrival of the army, and the 
inhabitants took the oath of allegiance to the King 
of France. 

The action of the citizens of La Reole was fol- 
lowed by the surrender of Langon, St. Maquaire, 
Cendon, St. Bazille, Mauleon, Sebillac, and more 
than forty walled towns and fortresses. Nothing 
withstood the French in this campaign, for a general 



13763 A qMitaine and Poitou Redeemed. 261 

desire to come under the sovereignty of France 
seemed to exist.* 

The continued agitation for peace by Gregory XL 
may have had some influence upon Edward III. and 
Charles V. ; but it is evident that the continued mis- 
fortunes of Edward, in his efforts to retain a hold 
upon any portion of France, had rendered him will- 
ing to listen to propositions for peace. His failing 
health still further lessened his desire and power to 
attempt new enterprises. The uninterrupted suc- 
cess of the Constable and the Due d'Anjou in their 
campaign had led Charles V. to lessen the propor- 
tions of his army, and to call Du Guesclin and his 
other leaders to Paris for a council. 

After a brief time spent in Paris, the Constable 
was ordered by Charles V. to collect a sufficient 
force, and join the army of the Mar^chals Louis de 
Sancerre and Lord de Blainville before Becherel, 
which they had held in siege for more than a year, 
and whose garrison had agreed to' surrender if the 
siege were not raised by a sufficient force before 
November ist. 

On the day appointed Du Guesclin was before the 
castle with an army of ten thousand lances. ,As no 
force of English appeared to oppose him and raise 
the siege, the fortress was surrendered upon demand. 
The garrison, on leaving Becherel, went under a 
safe-conduct to the stronghold of St. Sauveur in 
Normandy, which was well supplied with provisions, 
and capable of sustaining a long siege. 

The Constable at once invested the place, and 
made extensive preparations for besieging it by 
* Froissart, Liv. I., Part II., pp. 688, 690. 



262 Bertrand du Guesclin. [1374- 

land and by sea. The siege was vigorously prose- 
cuted, and its defence equally obstinately main- 
tained. 

Shortly after the institution of the siege, the Due 
de Bretagne, who had gone to England to seek aid 
from Edward in raising the siege of Becherel, 
arrived upon the coast of Brittany with a force of 
two thousand English men-at-arms and four hun- 
dred bowmen, under command of the Earl of Cam- 
bridge. By stress of weather they had been detained 
and compelled to land at St. Mah6, too late to aid 
in raising the siege of Becherel. The Due de Bre- 
tagne, in revenge for the former action of the citi- 
zens in closing their gates against him, attacked the 
castle, carried it by assault, and massacred the entire 
garrison. 

Information of the landing of this expedition was 
brought to Du Guesclin, who immediately sent a 
force of four hundred chevaliers, under command of 
Lords de Clisson, de Rohan, de Beaumanoir, and de 
Laval, to watch their movements. 

The Due de Bretagne, after the capture of 
St. Mahe, immediately laid siege to the town of 
St. Brieux, which, with its castle, was very strongly 
fortified. 

While pressing this siege with great activity, he 
learned of the condition of St. Sauveur and its offer 
of conditional surrender. While the Due de Bre- 
tagne had been pushing the siege of St. Brieux, 
Lord de Clisson had learned that Sir John Devereaux 
after being driven out of Poitou, had fortified him- 
self strongly in a position not far distant from 
Quimperl6, and had been exceedingly oppressive 



1376] Aquitaine and Poitou Redeemed. 26 



J 



upon the inhabitants of the surrounding country. 
Lord de Clisson, and the Breton lords with him, at 
once decided to attack and capture him, if possible. 
With this intention, they surrounded his castle, 
called the " New Fort," with the greater part of 
their forces, and by frequent attacks and close in- 
vestment placed him in a condition which would 
lead to speedy surrender. This state of affairs was 
made known to the Due de Bretagne, who, with- 
drawing immediately from the siege of St. Brieux, 
started in hot haste to the relief of Sir John Dever- 
eaux, in the hope of capturing the four distinguished 
Breton barons. 

The usual sagacity and watchfulness of Lord de 
Clisson gave him information of the approach of the 
Due de Bretagne and his forces, and he rapidly 
withdrew into the town of Quimperle with his men- 
at-arms. The Duke of Brittany, disappointed in 
his hopes of capturing De Clisson and the other 
barons, laid siege to Quimperl6, and sought by fre- 
quent assaults to take it by storm ; but its defence 
was most skilfully managed by the Breton barons, 
who succeeded in repelling every attack made by 
overwhelming forces of the Due. Feeling un- 
able to maintain the defence for a long time, they 
attempted to secure a conditional surrender. The 
Due de Bretagne was desirous of capturing them 
unconditionally, but after considerable negotiation 
agreed to a truce of eight days, upon the promise by 
them of an unconditional surrender if not relieved 
in the meantime by a force sufficient to raise the 
siege. 

On learning the critical condition of these import- 



264 Bertrand du Guesclin. [1374- 

ant commanders, Charles V. decided to sign a treaty 
which the papal legates had been proposing, and 
instructed the Due d'Anjou to conclude a truce 
immediately with the Duke of Lancaster, and urged 
the necessity for promptness. This was accom- 
plished, and a truce was arranged at Bruges, ex- 
tending from June 27, 1375, to June 30, 1376.* 

A copy of this treaty was sent by special mes- 
sengers to the Duke of Brittany, and reached him 
three days before the time appointed for the sur- 
render. This was a great disappointment to him, 
for he had been confident of gaining possession of 
four of the most powerful of the Breton barons, who 
were among his most dangerous opponents. 

So ended a campaign most barren in results of 
advantage to him who instigated it, and who was 
compelled by the treaty of Bruges to leave the prov- 
ince of Brittany, which he had kept so constantly 
in a disturbed condition. Taking with him his 
Duchesse, he crossed into England. By the same 
treaty of Bruges, which raised the siege of Quim- 
perl6 and terminated active military operations in 
Brittany, the town of St. Sauveur was surrendered 
to Du Guesclin. 

During the remainder of the summer, little of 
event occurred. On the first days of November, the 
commissioners representing France and England 
met at Bruges to consider matters connected with 
the permanent establishment of peace. Little 
resulted from a protracted series of interviews. 
Edward IIL stipulated that all the recent conquests 
of the French in the sections claimed by him 
* Froissart, Liv. I., Part II., p. 699 et seq. 



13761 Aquitaine and Poitou Redeemed. 265 

should be returned to him; that the Captal de 
Buch should be liberated, besides other conces- 
sions ; while Charles V. demanded that that part of 
the ransom of his father which had been paid to the 
King of England should be returned, and that the 
fortress and defences of Calais should be razed. 
These, and other requirements on the part of each 
of the sovereigns, presented matters of great diffi- 
culty of adjustment, and consequently nothing was 
accomplished beyond the extension of the truce 
from the 30th of June, 1376, to April i, 1377. 
This latter decision threw out of employment a 
large number of soldiers of fortune who had formerly 
belonged to the Free Companies. These returned 
to their predatory habits, and disturbed in some 
measure the quiet of several sections of France. 
The efforts of Charles V. to move them out of his 
kingdom, during that year, were not permanently 
successful. 





CHAPTER XIV. 



CONTINUED SUCCESS AGAINST THE ENGLISH. 



1376-1379- 



Death of the Black Prince— His character— Plans of Charles V. — 
Death of Edward III. — His character — The coronation of 
Richard II. — Charles V. invades England — Du Guesclin's opera- 
tions in Normandy — The battle of Aymet — Defeat of the Eng- 
lish — Siege of Bergerac ; of Darras ; of Mortaigne — Further 
operations against Charles the Bad — Death of Evan of "Wales — 
The English invade Brittany— They besiege St. Malo— Failure 
of the expedition — Du Guesclin besieges Cherbourg — Operations 
against Charles the Bad. 

IN a few weeks after the treaty of Bruges, in 
March, 1376, an event occurred which was of 
much importance to the cause of England. The 
Black Prince, whose health had been steadily de- 
clining, died on the 8th of June, 1376, at Westmin- 
ster. It was a premature ending, at the age of 
forty-six, of a life which had displayed much 
strength of character and many attractive traits. 

Pleasing in his personal appearance, and with the 
graces of one educated amid the refining influences 
of an elegant Court, his natural urbanity and cour- 
tesy of manner were conspicuously developed. 
Possessing but few of the vices and a large share of 

266 



1376-79] Success against the English. 267 

the virtues of the period, fond of athletic and mar- 
tial exercises, filled with a sentiment of honour, in 
sympathy with the most elevated spirit of the chiv- 
alry of the time, he naturally drew to himself a 
brilliant environment, and won universal esteem. 
Although persistent in his opinions and purposes, 
he was ever ready to listen to the advice of those 
whom he had chosen as his counsellors, and whom 
he selected wisely. 

A romantic atmosphere has been thrown about 
his name by the chroniclers of his time, and Frois- 
sart, who held him in great admiration, places him 
among the highest exemplars of chivalry. 

A careful comparison of the historic narratives of 
the century and of the events of the drama in which 
he played so prominent a part, while it detracts 
nothing from the actual brilliancy of his character 
and renown, brings him into strong comparison with 
others, whose names have been less linked with the 
romantic, but whose careers have been none the less 
remarkable. Time and distance from the actual 
occurrences of historic narrative tend to prune away 
the personal prejudices shown by the earlier nar- 
rators, and place in a truer light the actual charac- 
teristics of individuals, as well as the logic of events. 
An estimate of the career of the Black Prince forms 
no exception to this conclusion. Commencing his 
military experiences on the field of battle at Crecy 
at the early age of sixteen, he was then and contin- 
uously afterward under the counsel and guidance of 
Sir John Chandos, one of the bravest knights and 
most judicious and expert military leaders of the 
time. 



268 Bertrand du Guesclin. [1376- 

At Poitiers, ten years subsequent to Cr^cy, and 
where the Black Prince won lasting renown, the 
movements of the English Army were directed and 
controlled by Sir John Chandos, who was associated 
with the Black Prince during every movement of 
that eventful battle, and without whose advice no 
movement was made.* It should be remembered 
that to the same able general must be accredited the 
success of the battle of Navarrete, ten years later, 
where the Duke of Lancaster was guided and aided 
to success by him as the Black Prince had been at 
Cr^cy and at Poitiers. These conclusions can be 
drawn without in any measure detracting from the 
justly accorded fame and glory of the Black Prince. 

His death was a source of universal sadness and 
regret throughout England, where he was generally 
esteemed and beloved. The treaty of Bruges, which 
suspended military operations until June 30, 1377, 
by no means suspended negotiations for a perma- 
nent peace. The English were in a condition which 
rendered active military operations a matter of most 
serious consideration. Driven from almost every 
point which they had held in France, defeated dis- 
astrously in two extensive and important campaigns 
with the Due de Bretagne, their only ally of import- 
ance in France being at that time a fugitive from 
his province, their prospects of regaining lost pres- 
tige by continuance of the war in France were far 
from bright. Added to these were the loss of an 
able and esteemed leader by the death of the Black 
Prince, and also the prospect of the early decease 
of Edward III., and consequent complications at 
* Froissart, Liv. I., Part II., p. 346 et seq. 



1379] Success against the English. 269 

home. These conditions made present peace all 
the more to be desired. 

On the other hand, Charles V., by his policy of 
conducting his affairs in accordance with the advice 
of wise and skilful counsellors and leaders, had suc- 
ceeded in quieting the disturbances of his kingdom, 
bringing his people together in a spirit of national 
unity, and had driven the English almost entirely 
from his domains. 

For the existence of these conditions he was in- 
debted to nothing so much as to the sagacity, skill, 
and unfaltering patriotism of Du Guesclin. He was 
not slow to recognise these facts, and accordingly 
endeavoured to show his appreciation of them by a 
distinguished recognition of the Constable. To him 
he granted the Vicounty of Pontorson, as a partial 
return for the great service rendered. 

Meanwhile peace negotiations were in progress 
between the two kingdoms. Charles V., however, 
was not idle. Cautious by nature, he knew well 
how to take advantage of favourable circumstances. 
He concluded that the affairs of England were such 
that he might venture to depart from his usual cus- 
tom of remaining on the defensive, and assume the 
offensive for a time. He was no doubt influenced, 
in this decision, by his confidence in Du Guesclin 
and the other leaders of his forces, who had steadily 
gained success after success for his arms. 

Feeling that the condition to which the prospect- 
ive death of Edward HI. would give rise in England 
would be favourable to his plans, he quietly pre- 
pared, during the winter of 1376 and the spring of 
1377, to invade England at the close of the truce of 



270 Bertrand du Guesclin. [1376- 

Bruges. Just previously to the expiration of this 
armistice, Edward III. passed away, on the 21st of 
June, 1377, in his sixty-fifth year, leaving his grand- 
son, Richard, the son of the Black Prince, to suc- 
ceed him. For this event he had prepared in the 
year previous to his death. In these provisions he 
ordained that Richard should succeed to all the 
titles of his father, the Black Prince, and have the 
power to call Parliament together. 

The reign of Edward III. had been an unusually 
long one, covering a period of fifty-one years, dur- 
ing which he had gained the affection and esteem of 
his people. He was a man of pleasing presence and 
manner, and was thoroughly imbued with a desire 
for the good of his people. While his policy in the 
domestic affairs of his kingdom was wise and salu- 
tary, it stands in marked contrast with his foreign 
policy. His ambitions in France and his persistent 
hostility to her, with his unwise efforts to maintain 
his assumption of sovereignty over her, led to pro- 
tracted and bloody wars, which continued during 
the greater part of his reign. The disaster and loss 
in which these resulted stand in marked contrast 
to the success and fortune of his policy at home. 
The latter half of his reign obscured with darkest 
shadows the brightness which marked its earlier 
portion. 

His grandson, not yet eleven years of age, was 
crowned King as Richard II., at Westminster, on 
the nth of July, 1377. The preparations which 
Charles V. had made for the invasion of England 
were completed before the close of the truce ; and at 
its expiration a fleet, commanded by the French 



1379] Success against the English. 271 

admiral Sir John de Vienne, sailed for the English 
coast, which was reached early in July. The town 
of Rye, in Kent, was taken and burned, after having 
been pillaged. From thence the fleet sailed to 
Yarmouth, on the Isle of Wight, which was taken 
and plundered. The same fate fell upon the towns 
of Dartmouth, Lewes, Winchelsea, and Plymouth, 
on the mainland, in which a large amount of plun- 
der and many important prisoners were captured. 
From this point the fleet sailed to Dover, but, find- 
ing a large force gathered to meet it, recrossed the 
Channel to Calais, from which place it soon sailed 
to Harfieur.* 

At the time when the fleet had set out from 
France, an expedition under the Due de Bretagne 
had been sent against Calais, which was one of the 
few places in France still held by the English. 

The fortifications were such, that, without co-op- 
eration by sea, he was unable to take it. He ac- 
cordingly attacked and captured the castles near it, 
which were still held by the English, and garrisoned 
them with his own troops. 

While these naval operations against the coast of 
England, and in the north of France against English 
possessions, were in progress, Du Guesclin and the 
Due d'Anjou were busily occupied with a strong 
force in reducing the few castles and fortresses still 
held by the English in Aquitaine, 

Laying siege to Bergerac, on the river Dordogne, 

the Constable prepared to capture it. Its extensive 

fortifications rendered the task a difficult one. Du 

Guesclin accordingly sent a picked force of three 

* Froissart, Liv. I., Part II., p. 712. 



272 Bertrand du Gitesclin. [1376- 

hundred lances under Sir Pierre de Beuel to La 
Reole to bring up a large engine, capable of hurling 
stones of two hundred pound's weight.^ 

Sir Thomas Felton, the commandant at Bor- 
deaux, having heard of the expedition of Du Gues- 
clin and the Due d'Anjou against Bergerac, had 
taken a force of over three hundred lances to watch 
them and to do such injury as he could, though un- 
able to cope with the forces of the Constable in a 
general battle. Having taken a position not far 
from La Reole, he learned of the despatch of the 
detachment to bring up the engine. Hoping to 
capture it, he moved to a position from which he 
might attack the escort en route. Du Guesclin, 
learning through his scouts of this movement, sent 
an additional force of three hundred lances, under 
command of Sir Pierre de Morny and Evan of 
Wales, to re-enforce his first detachment, which it 
joined near Aymet. At this point they were at- 
tacked by Sir Thomas Felton, and a severe engage- 
ment resulted. After an obstinate resistance, the 
English were defeated. A large number of their 
men-at-arms were slain, and many were taken pris- 
oners, among whom were Sir Thomas Felton, four 
of the Gascon barons, and others among their lead- 
ers. The French reached Bergerac, with the engine 
and their prisoners, on the following day. 

The defeat and capture of Sir Thomas Felton and 
his forces so disheartened the garrison, that seeing 
the extensive preparations for reducing the fortress, 
and becoming hopeless of defending it, they surren- 
dered the town and castle to the Constable.f 

* Cuvelhier, Part II., v. 22583 et seq. \Idem., v. 22586. 



1379] Success against the English. 2 73 

The four Gascon barons who had been captured 
took the oath of allegiance to the King of France, 
and were set free without ransom. Two of these, 
Lords de Duras and de Roseen, soon after left the 
French forces, and rejoined the English at Bor- 
deaux. This act greatly irritated the Due d'Anjou, 
who determined to punish their treachery later. 

Following the surrender of Bergerac, a large num- 
ber of towns and fortresses held by the English 
surrendered to the forces of France, few making 
any formal resistance. Among these were Cha- 
tillon, Sauveterre, St. Bazille, Montsegur, and St. 
Macaire. The number surrendered is variously 
estimated at between two hundred and fifty and 
three hundred. 

Following the submission of St. Macaire, the 
Constable moved against Darras, a strong and well- 
garrisoned fortress. An immediate attempt was 
made to carry it by assault, which was so vigorously 
met by the besieged that it proved unsuccessful.* 

On the evening of that day Sir Alain de Houssoie 
and Sir Alain de St. Pol arrived with a large force 
of Bretons, who had just taken by storm the Castle 
of Cadilhac, belonging to the English. 

On the following morning the Due d'Anjou di- 
rected the renewal of the assault with increased 
preparations. He caused it to be announced by his 
heralds that " the first to enter Darras should re- 
ceive five hundred francs." This was a stimulus to 
exertion for many of those who were without means, 
and who followed war as a profession. 

The ladders were quickly raised against the walls, 

* Froissart, Liv. II., p. 9. 
18 



2 74 Bertrand du Guesclin. [1376- 

and the young knights and squires vied with each 
other in their acts of daring and bravery. 

The first to mount upon one of these ladders was 
Lord Langurant, one of the Gascon barons who had 
been made prisoner with Sir Thomas Felton, and 
who had been set free without ransom. He made 
an effort to show that he was not like his two asso- 
ciates, who had broken their parole and returned to 
the English. He rapidly made his way to the para- 
pet, and fought hand-to-hand with the defenders. 
So violently was he assailed, that his bacinet was 
torn from his head, and he would have been slain 
had not one of his squires, who followed him, pro- 
tected him with a shield while he descended the 
ladder. 

In another section the second Gascon chevalier, 
Lord de Roye, mounted a ladder with Sir Percieval 
d'Aineval, and attempted most valiantly to gain the 
wall. In other directions similar attempts were made 
by distinguished knights upon the scaling ladders. 

The first to mount the wall and enter the town 
were Lord de Roye and Sir Jean de Rosoy. In 
several other quarters successful lodgments upon 
the walls were made by the assailants ; and the gar- 
rison, seeing that further resistance was hopeless, 
surrendered, but the castle still held out against the 
besiegers. 

On the morrow the Constable, taking the Mar6- 
chal de Sancerre with him, made a reconnoissance 
and examination of the walls and means of defence. 
These he found to be formidable, and accordingly 
so reported to the Due d'Anjou, who replied: 
" There is no need of considering this; I have said 



1379] Success against the English. 2 75 

and sworn that I will never leave here, of my own 
free will, until the castle is taken." The Con- 
stable replied, ' ' Then we will do it ! " Prepara- 
tions for an active siege were immediately begun. 
The large war engines were moved near the walls, 
and other formidable dispositions were commenced. 
These so impressed the garrison with the useless- 
ness of further resistance, that they offered to sur- 
render, on condition that they were allowed to 
leave the place with what they could carry. This 
was accepted ; and on the third day they retired, 
and the castle was occupied by a garrison of the 
troops of the Constable.* 

After the capture of the town and Castle of Duras, 
the Due d'Anjou left one hundred lances at Lan- 
duras, under command of Lord de Roye and Sir 
Jean de Rosoy, to hold the frontier against the 
Bordelais. Granting the main part of his forces 
leave of absence for a time, he went to Toulouse 
with the Constable and others, with five hundred 
lances, to see his wife and his recently born son. 

Before going, he directed Evan of Wales to take 
a strong force of Bretons, Poitevins, and Angevins, 
and advance into Poitou, in order to lay siege to 
Mortaigne, a strong fortress held by the Souldich f 
de I'Estrade. 

* Froissart, Liv. II., p. lo. 

f " Souldich," in Latin soldichus, was a name of distinction among 
the Bordelaise. Du Cange claims that this word is derived from 
syndichus. By some authors the souldich was given rank with the 
counts, viscounts, and barons. The souldichs were probably, origin- 
ally, the defenders of the castles and chateaux ; and the office became 
hereditary in certain families, in the same manner as the title of 
count, viscount, etc. — Buchon, 



276 Bertrand du GuescUn. [1376- 

After a grand fete, with a tournament and other 
ceremonies, given by the Due d'Anjou for the Con- 
stable and assembled barons, in honour of the birth 
of his son, they left Toulouse. The Constable and 
Lord de Coucy returned to France ; and the Mare- 
chal de Sancerre went into Auvergne to aid the 
Comte Dauphin and the barons of Auvergne against 
the English, who were in Limousin and the frontiers 
of Auvergne. 

Evan of Wales, after resting his troops for a short 
time in Saintonge, proceeded to Mortaigne, and made 
preparations for the siege. With him were many 
able leaders, among whom were the Lords de Pons 
and de Vivonne, and other chevaliers of Poitou. 
With Du Guesclin's Bretons were Sir Alain de 
St. Pol, Sir Alain de la Houssoie, Sir Guillaume 
Montcontour, and many others. 

The strength of the fortress demanded careful 
preparations, which were duly made, and forces were 
so disposed that no supplies could reach it by land 
or by water. The intention of Evan of Wales was 
to reduce the stronghold by the slower process of 
famine, as the defences were too extensive to be 
carried by assault. 

Having driven the English almost entirely from 
France, Charles V. determined to remove, if pos- 
sible, one of their means of entry by possessing 
himself of the ports of Normandy, held by Charles 
the Bad, who was ever intriguing against him, and 
whom he now openly declared his enemy. His 
constant efforts with the English to injure France 
led Charles V. to determine to drive him from the 
kingdom. In the prosecution of this plan the 



1379] Success against the English, 277 

dislike and distrust of his own people aided him 
greatly. 

The sudden death of the Queen of Navarre, the 
sister of the King of France, which gave rise to a 
suspicion of poisoning by Charles the Bad, led the 
King of France to break all relations with him. 
The belief that the plot included himself still fur- 
ther increased the hostility of Charles V. 

The deaths of several other important personages 
about this time were attributed to his agency; and 
information obtained from several reliable sources 
implicated De Rue, chamberlain of Charles the 
Bad, and led to his arrest by the King of France, 
and to his trial by a high commission, over which 
the Chancellor of France presided. 

Secousse * states that De Rue voluntarily testified 
that the charges of intention to poison the King of 
France were true, and gave the details of the plot, 
which, he stated, had been confided to him by 
Charles of Navarre. This, with other information 
of similar character, led Charles V. to initiate meas- 
ures for his expulsion from France. 

The first of these was to gain to his own support 
the son of Charles of Navarre. This he did by 
inviting him to come to Paris. He came readily, 
and was accompanied by a number of the Norman 
leaders. Charles V. informed him of the crimes of 
his father, and his attempts against his own life. 
The young man, being but sixteen years of age, was 
greatly impressed with the recital, and consented to 
aid the King of France in gaining possession of the 
strongholds which he desired in Normandy. This 
* Hist, de Charles le Mauvais^ Part II., p. 156 et seq. 



278 Bertrand du Guesdin. [1376- 

the young Charles was constrained to do in order to 
show his lack of complicity in the evil schemes of 
his father. 

A second measure of which Charles V. decided to 
avail himself was the raising of a strong force to be 
placed under the command of the Constable du 
Guesclin, with which he should drive the adherents 
of Charles of Navarre from France, as he had done 
the English. Under the Due de Bourgogne and 
Du Guesclin, this force was raised, and held in 
readiness to march promptly into Normandy at 
such time as Charles V. might designate. The 
force was no sooner prepared to move than orders 
were given for the invasion of Normandy; and 
it accordingly marched against the town of Ber- 
nay, which was taken. Among the prisoners was 
Du Tertre, the secretary of Charles of Navarre. 
This was an important capture for the King of 
France. He was sent to Paris, where Charles V. 
had him brought before a commission similar to 
that which passed upon the case of De Rue. Before 
this commission Du Tertre testified to the details of 
many measures which had been intrusted to him by 
Charles of Navarre. 

Both De Rue and Du Tertre were condemned by 
the Parliament of Paris on the i6th of June, 1378, 
and the sentence of decapitation passed upon them. 
This sentence was executed five days later.* 

Du Guesclin and the Due de Bourgogne pushed 
their operations in Normandy with activity. In the 
Castle of Breteuil, which was among their early cap- 
tures, Pierre and Bonne de Navarre, the son and 
* Secousse, Hist, de Charles le Mauvais, Part. II., p. 190. 



1379] Success against the English. 1 79 

daughter of Charles of Navarre, were made pris- 
oners. 

But little serious opposition was made to the pro- 
gress and operations of the Constable, and a number 
of important towns were taken, among which were 
Evreux, Avranches, Mortaigne, Pacy, and other 
equally strong places. In the Castle of Gavrey was 
captured a large amount of treasure, among which 
were the crown jewels of the King of Navarre. 

Operations during three months, ending July ist, 
were pressed with such vigour and success, that at 
the end of this time the fortress of Cherbourg only 
remained to the King of Navarre in Normandy : all 
else had been taken by the Constable and the Due 
de Bourgogne. In the meantime the Due d'Anjou, 
under the direction of Charles V., had invaded the 
possessions of Charles of Navarre in Languedoc. 
The city of Montpelier was captured with little 
resistance, and control of this section was secured. 

The assassination of Evan of Wales during these 
events took from the service of Charles V. an im- 
portant and valuable commander. He was at the 
time of his death engaged in the siege of Mortaigne, 
which had been reduced nearly to the point of sur- 
render. He was fatally stabbed by one of his at- 
tendants, a spy named Lamb, whom he had recently 
taken into his employ.* The assassin took refuge 
in the fortress of Mortaigne. 

The complete failure of the English to maintain 
themselves in their possessions in France, led them 
to plan an expedition to regain what they had lost, 
both in possessions and in prestige. 
* Froissart, Liv. II., p. 31. 



28o Bertrand du Guesdin. [1376- 

Soon after the young king, Richard II., was 
established upon his throne as the successor of 
Edward III., preparations for an extensive expe- 
dition, both naval and land, were begun. This 
expedition, under the Dukes of Lancaster and Cam- 
bridge, with other notable leaders, sailed from Eng- 
land for the coast of Normandy, but landed at St. 
Malo in Brittany, which town they at once besieged. 
The garrison was strengthened by the Vicomte de 
Rohan and other able Breton leaders.* 

Charles V., well aware of the movements of the 
English, sent a strong force of over ten thousand 
chevaliers and men-at-arms, under the Marechals de 
Sancerre and de Blainville, with other able leaders, to 
aid the garrison and to raise the siege. 

Each army took up a strong position, and each 
waited for the other to make the attack. No decis- 
ive action having occurred, and being unable to 
take the town by assault, the English resorted to 
mining the walls. The Governor of St. Malo, an 
able chevalier named Mourface, detected the posi- 
tion of their mine. Taking a chosen body of men-at- 
arms, he left the town at night with great secrecy, 
and entered the English lines at the point where the 
miners were at work. Finding the sentinels asleep, 
he destroyed the mine, and, in returning to the 
town, attacked and killed many of the sentries of 
the English forces, f 

The approach of winter and the failure of the 
expedition compelled the English to raise the siege 
of St. Malo, and return to their own country, hav- 
ing accomplished nothing as the result of this 
extensive effort. 

* Froissart, Liv. II., p. 33. f Idem, pp. 39, 40. 



1379] Success against the English, 281 

Considering the active operations of the campaign 
closed by the withdrawal of the English and the 
approach of winter, Du Guesclin disbanded his 
army, retaining about three hundred lances only, 
with which he instituted the siege of Cherbourg. 
The strength of this fortress was such, that he con- 
cluded that it could only be reduced by a complete 
investment by land and sea. While inspecting its 
fortifications, Sir Olivier du Guesclin, the brother 
of the Constable, was captured by a force of Eng- 
lish, who sallied out of the town for the purpose. 

Charles V., by a successful campaign, had secured 
all the possessions of Charles the Bad in Normandy, 
except Cherbourg : this he was unable to take, ex- 
cept by the slow process of a siege. He therefore 
decided to carry his operations against him into 
Navarre, and with this purpose induced Henry of 
Castile to send an army into Navarre to attack him 
in his possessions there. This Henry finally con- 
cluded to do, and sent an army under his son John, 
who besieged Pampeluna. As soon as tidings of 
this movement reached Lord Neufville at Bordeaux, 
he sent a force of five hundred men-at-arms and one 
thousand archers, under Sir Thomas Trivet, to the 
aid of Charles the Bad. 

The forces of Castile, not desiring to meet the 
army of Charles the Bad thus re-enforced, raised 
the siege of Pampeluna, and retired into Castile.* 
* Froissart, Liv. II., p. 45. 



CHAPTER XV. 



FRANCE FREED FROM ENGLISH OCCUPATION. 



1 379-1380. 



Efforts of Charles V. to possess Brittany — A parliament of the Peers 
summoned — The Bretons maintain their rights — Du Guesclin's 
loyalty questioned — His indignation — He resigns the sword of 
Constable — Regret of Charles V. — Du Guesclin leads a force into 
Languedoc — He besieges Chateauneuf de Randon — His death — 
His character. 

THE continuous successes of Du Guesclin in 
taking the possessions of the English, and in 
driving them from nearly every part of France, led 
Charles V, to feel that he had reached a point where 
he could lay claim to the duchy of Brittany, and 
annex it to France. His hatred of the Due de Bre- 
tagne, and the facility with which the English found 
entry into France through his aid, led him to 
desire to acquire the control of all of the Breton 
ports. 

An attempt to further these plans by creating 
disturbances in Scotland by means of envoys sent 
thither failed. He accordingly decided to call an 
assembly of the Peers, and to lay his project before 
them. This he was led to do by the confidence 

282 



1379-80] Freed from English Occupation. 28 



o 



which he had gained through the success of his 
great captains, and also from his belief that a strong 
and universal sentiment in favour of annexation to 
France existed in Brittany. On the 4th of Septem- 
ber, 1378, the Parliament assembled at Paris. 
Charles laid before it his project of the annexation 
of Brittany. 

He urged that Sir Jean de Montfort had been 
hostile to the kingdom of France, and had done it 
and its people much injury, and, in having made 
war upon the King of France, had been guilty of 
deeds for which he should be deprived of Ris pos- 
sessions ; and that these should be annexed to the 
Crown of France. 

On considering this statement, the Parliament 
decided to summon the Due de Bretagne to appear 
before it on the 9th of December, and answer to 
these charges. This decree was published in the 
leading cities of Brittany. 

The day appointed having arrived, the Parliament 
was convened, but the Duke of Brittany failed to 
appear. After waiting six days, a decree was passed 
confiscating his possessions to the Crown. Charles 
V. appointed the Due de Bourbon, the Mar^chal de 
Sancerre, and Sir Jean de Vienne, with others, to 
go into Brittany, and assume possession of the 
duchy in the name of the King of France. 

Upon the issuance of this decree, the Due de Bre- 
tagne sent representatives, who maintained that the 
decree was illegal because he had been summoned 
but a single time, while legally three separate sum- 
mons should have been issued; that the summons 
was not made in his place of residence ; and, further. 



284 Bertrand du Guesclin. [1379- 

that no provision for his safety had been provided, 
even if he had made the attempt to come. 

The Comtesse de Penthi^vre, the widow of Charles 
de Blois, claimed through her representatives that 
the decree was illegal ; and that, even if it were 
legal, the duchy could not be confiscated with preju- 
dice to the claims of her children, who, by the pro- 
visions of the treaty of Guerande, were made heirs 
of John de Montfort, in the event of his death with- 
out male issue. 

The King of France listened to none of these 
objections, nor did he give sufificient consideration 
to the general opposition of the Bretons themselves 
to the course which he seemed determined to fol- 
low. Though the Bretons detested the Due de 
Bretagne, he was still their sovereign, as they con- 
sidered him, and they were unwilling to permit the 
confiscation of his possessions. 

In order to overcome this opposition to his plans, 
and to change the current of Breton opinion, Charles 
V. sent for Du Guesclin, the Lords de Clisson and 
de Laval, and the Vicomte de Rohan, and consid- 
ered the matter with them. Du Guesclin and Lord 
de Clisson, who were hostile to the Due de Bre- 
tagne, were ready to aid Charles in his endeavour to 
overcome Breton discontent. Lord de Laval de- 
clined to yield consent, and declared that he would 
hold his fortresses himself, and take no part in de- 
priving the Due de Bretagne of his rights. The 
Vicomte de Rohan took a politic course, though 
really opposed to the plans of Charles V. 

Wholly underrating the strength of the Breton 
resistance, and bent upon carrying out his plans, 



1380] Freed from English Occupation. 285 

Charles V. persisted in opposing the general senti- 
ment of the inhabitants of the province. Many of 
the most powerful barons had entered into a con- 
federation to resist his effort at confiscation. In 
order to suppress these expressions of popular dis- 
content, he directed the Due de Bourbon to invade 
Brittany through Anjou, and with a strong force to 
take possession of the province. 

The members of the confederation not only 
formed a league, but invited the burghers of the 
principal cities to join them in resisting the enforce- 
ment of the decree. 

The Due de Bourbon, in accordance with his 
instructions, moved forward to occupy Nantes ; but, 
when he had proceeded as far as Chateauceaux, he 
was met by Lord de Clisson, who had left Nantes 
with the intelligence that the entire province of 
Brittany was in arms to resist the attempt. 

The Due de Bourbon immediately returned to 
Paris to consult with the King. Meanwhile the 
Breton forces attacked and captured several fort- 
resses, and committed other hostile acts in the 
province of Anjou. 

In addition to these demonstrations they sent 
messengers to the Due de Bretagne, requesting him 
to return to his duchy. Obtaining important assist- 
ance from Richard II. of England through a treaty 
signed July 13, 1379, ^ strong force of English 
troops was sent to his aid. With this army he 
sailed from Southampton on the 3d of August, and 
landed upon the shores of Brittany at St. Malo. 

An assembly was held at Dinan, where he was 
warmly received by the people. All of the Breton 



286 Bertrand du Gttesclin. [1379- 

lords, except Du Guesclin and De Clisson, had been 
invited to be present. Accepting the proffered sup- 
port of the Breton lords, he at once began his prep- 
arations to raise an army, in order to take the field 
against the Dues d'Anjou and de Bourbon, and Du 
Guesclin. 

These conditions left Du Guesclin in a position of 
extreme embarrassment. A Breton by birth, and 
with loyalty to his province, he was placed in ap- 
parent hostility to it by his unwavering loyalty to 
the kingdom of France. His patriotism led him to 
look beyond the limits of his native province, and 
to seek the welfare of France as a whole. The 
Breton lords clung to a narrower allegiance, and 
he was with sorrow compelled to see his most 
able associates in arms assume the cause of the 
Due de Bretagne against the King of France. He 
had ever felt that Charles de Blois was the right- 
ful successor to the dukedom of Brittany. With 
patriotic devotion to France, he felt strong repug- 
nance against the service of one whom he considered 
a usurper. He was therefore compelled to remain 
loyal to the service of France. It was a painful 
position for Du Guesclin, as he felt that in the event 
of civil war, which he was persuaded would follow, 
he would lose the support and aid of many of his 
most trusted and able associates in arms. Lord de 
Clisson also declined to join the other Breton 
barons, and remained loyal to the cause of France. 

Charles V., blinded by his determination to 
secure the annexation of Brittany at all hazards, 
and listening only to advice which consorted with 
his own wishes, declined to entertain any negotia- 



1380] Freed from English Occupation, 287 

tions for the settlement of the matter without resort 
to arms. 

In this excited state of public feeling, Charles V. 
was tempted to listen to the insinuations of jealous 
and unprincipled adherents against the sincerity of 
the Constable. 

The family of Lord de Laval was strongly op- 
posed to his scheme of annexation, and was in 
favour of Breton autonomy. Du Guesclin's alli- 
ance by marriage with this family gave some colour 
of plausibility to the insinuations of designing 
enemies. 

As soon as the Constable learned these facts, he 
immediately returned his sword of office to the 
King of France, and prepared to leave the country 
and go to Spain. Wounded to the quick by this 
imputation upon his honour, and feeling that for 
France and her sovereign he had been willing to 
sink out of sight all personal feelings and prefer- 
ences, he could not do otherwise than assume that 
the action of Charles V. had shown a lack of appre- 
ciation of the sacrifices which he had made for him 
and for his patriotic love for France. 

Charles V., realising in some degree the extent 
of his injustice, immediately sent the Dues d'Anjou 
and de Bourbon to him, urging him to retain the 
sword, and expressing the deepest regret that he 
had allowed himself to listen to any imputation 
upon the loyalty of one who had so signally and 
devotedly served him. 

The Constable replied with firmness and dignity, 
and with great respect, but declined to receive the 
sword, declaring that " he preferred his honour to 



2 88 Bertrand du Guesclin. [1379- 

any benefits which the King could bestow." The 
messengers sorrowfully left Pontorson, and returned 
to Paris. 

Du Guesclin was fixed in his determination not to 
enter the service of the Due de Bretagne, and made 
plans to go to Spain. Charles V. had at this time 
received complaints from the people of Languedoc 
against the Due d'Anjou, who had pursued a harsh 
and oppressive course as governor of that province. 

The petition sent to Charles prayed for the 
removal of the Due d'Anjou, and urged that Du 
Guesclin should be sent in his stead. This afforded 
Charles an opportunity to assign to him duties in a 
part of the kingdom distant from Brittany. The 
disturbances by the Free Companies in the south of 
France was an additional reason for the King's 
desire to send him into that section. 

Du Guesclin accepted the commission, and took 
command of a strong force of men-at-arms, and 
prepared to enter upon the campaign. Before set- 
ting out, he urged Charles to settle the affair of 
Brittany peacefully. 

Early in May, 1380, he started with his army for 
the province of Languedoc. His first important 
movement after his arrival was to besiege the strong- 
hold of Chateauneuf de Randon, — a fortress held by 
the English, and well prepared to sustain a siege. 
Pressing the siege with his usual vigour, Du Gues- 
clin met an obstinate defence; but the garrison, 
becoming convinced that his efforts would prove 
successful, entered into negotiations by which they 
agreed to surrender the fortress, if not relieved by 
the King of England upon a certain day. 



1380] Freed from English Occupation. 289 

During this interval Du Guesclin was taken 
severely ill. It was a sickness induced by his great 
exertions in the assaults, in which he had taken an 
active part, in the heat of the season. Realising 
that his hours were numbered, he made his will, 
received the sacraments of his religion, generously 
rewarded his attendants, and charged the Mar^chal 
de Sancerre to beg the King to continue his pro- 
tection over his wife, Jeanne de Laval, and Olivier 
du Guesclin, his brother. He directed that his 
heart be buried in the church of the Dominicans at 
Dinan. 

These affairs completed, he addressed his old 
leaders, who in tears surrounded his couch, and said 
to them: " My dear companions, you see my con- 
dition, and that death, which has overtaken me, has 
prevented me from doing all that I would wish to 
do for you, but let that not discourage you. If I 
cannot speak to your King in your favour, your ser- 
vices will speak for you. Continue to serve him 
faithfully. He is just and generous, and will recom- 
pense you according to your deserts. Before I die, I 
wish to repeat one precept that I have urged upon 
you a thousand times before : remember that wher- 
ever you make war, the people of the Church, the 
poor people, the women and children, are not your 
enemies, and that you only bear arms to defend and 
protect them. I have always urged this upon you, 
and I now repeat it for the last time, in bidding 
you adieu, and recommending myself to your kindly 
thoughts." 

Calling for his sword of ofifice, he took it in his 
hands and looked upon it for a moment. Undoubt- 



290 Bertrand du Guesclin. [1379- 

edly recalling the glories and triumphs which it had 
won, he kissed its cross-shaped hilt, and, placing it 
in the hands of Louis de Sancerre, said to him, 
" Receive this from my hand; and I pray you, in 
returning it to the King, to express, to him my 
acknowledgment of his favours, and my regret in 
any failures that I may have made in his service. If 
such there be, they have been through inadvertence, 
and never knowingly. If God had granted me the 
time to do so, I had hoped to free this kingdom 
from its English enemies ; but the King has faithful 
leaders who remain, and who will do so. Assure 
him that in death I remain his faithful subject, 
though the most humble of all. Adieu ! Monsieur 
le Mar^chal, I can do no more! I can do no 
more! " With these words his head fell upon the 
breast of the Marechal. For a moment he raised 
his head once more, and, casting a longing look upon 
his old comrades in arms who surrounded him, he 
closed his eyes and breathed his last. 

So ended, in its sixty-first year, the life of a 
remarkable man and soldier. It was noon when the 
sad news was heralded through the camp. The sol- 
diers and their commanders wept. ,A11 felt that a 
father had been taken from them, and were over- 
whelmed with grief in the recollection of his untir- 
ing kindness toward and interest in them all. 

Meanwhile the truce accorded to the English had 
expired upon this day. No one had appeared to 
succour them. They had agreed to surrender to 
him only. Would they now do so ? 

At three o'clock in the afternoon, the Marechal de 
Sancerre presented himself before the barriers at the 



1380] Freed from English Occupation. 291 

edge of the moat, and announced to the command- 
ant of the fortress the death of Du Guesclin. De 
Roos, a high-minded and able soldier, who com- 
manded the garrison, replied: " I did not promise 
to surrender this fortress to any save to the Con- 
stable Du Guesclin ; to him I gave my word, and I 
will keep it. I desire to do this in no ordinary way, 
but in a manner to express the great honour and ' 
esteem in which I have ever held him, and in which 
I shall ever hold his memory. I should be ashamed 
to open these gates to any other than to him ; it 
is right that I should render to him, though dead, 
what I owe to him only. I will lay upon his bier 
the keys of a place which is justly his." 

That evening as the sun was setting, the French 
Army was drawn up in line of battle, with banners 
displayed. The English, with De Roos at their 
head, emerged from the open gates of the fortress, 
and marched to the tent of Du Guesclin, where 
they were received by the Marechal de Sancerre.^ 
Gathered about the body of the dead Constable 
were the heralds and leaders of the Army. At the 
foot of the couch, upon a mantle of velvet embroid- 
ered with golden fleurs de lis, was laid his sword. 
At sight of this, the commandant, bowing low, 
said, " It is to you. Sir Constable, that I surrender 
my fortress; you alone have been able to compel 
me to yield it to the French, even though I had 
sworn to hold it for the King of England with the 
last drop of my blood." Having uttered these 
words, he laid the keys of the town at the feet of 

* The monk of St. Denis records the death of Louis de Sancerre as 
occurring in 1402. — Sainte Palaye. 



292 Bertrand du Guesclin. [1379- 

the dead Constable, and, after kneeling for a few 
moments, arose and withdrew, with tears streaming 
from his eyes. 

Such, on the 13th of July, 1380, were the closing 
scenes of the life of one of the most remarkable 
characters of history. Most of the chroniclers of 
the time do him full justice. Laying aside the 
colouring which a romantic period throws about 
him, and making all allowances for the enthusiasm 
of contemporaneous writers, we have still remaining 
a character as stalwart and sturdy in the strength of 
its mental traits as was his frame in its physique. 
In forming a just estimate of him, we must never 
lose sight of the circumstances and conditions in 
which he lived. It was a time when the will and 
might of the strongest was the law. The spirit of 
chivalry was then at its height, and had reached its 
fullest development ; and, though there was much 
over which the veil of charity must be thrown, the 
best traits and characteristics of the time were 
found among its leaders. 

To some Du Guesclin appears only as a brave 
and loyal chevalier, defeating his adversaries in 
tournaments and in battle, and fighting to the last 
in reverses. He was far more than this. From his 
early youth he displayed the characteristics of a 
leader of men. Possessing unusual bodily vigour 
and strength; with a power of endurance rarely 
equalled by many, he was able to sustain those 
mental traits whose energies ensured his success. 
Discernment and judgment were his distinctive vir- 
tues. As far removed from rashness as from timid- 
ity, he undertook no enterprise without careful 



1380] Freed from English Occupation. 293 

consideration ; but, his opinion once formed, he fol- 
lowed it with action prompt, persistent, and decis- 
ive. These are the traits of a great soldier. The 
battles of Auray and Navarrete, in which he was 
defeated, were fought against his advice, and con- 
trary to his judgment. He not only possessed un- 
usual personal prowess, but he appreciated the art 
of managing bodies of men in the field. Nearly all 
of the battles of that day were decided by the per- 
sonal courage and skill at arms of the combatants. 
He exhibited, beyond any soldier of his time, the 
genius of a general in selecting his positions, and in 
taking every advantage offered by the ground and 
the changing circumstances of the conflict. His 
ability in employing troops in strategic movements 
enabled him to cope with a force much larger than 
his own, where his lack of numbers was more than 
compensated for by the skill with which the move- 
ments of his troops were planned and directed. 

With a high sense of personal honour he com- 
bined a generous liberality, and took no satisfaction 
in humbling a brave opponent. His patriotism was 
conspicuous and unflagging. Entering the service 
of the King of France early in his career, the whole 
effort of his life was in behalf of France. No 
temptation of position or pecuniary reward could 
swerve him from this steady devotion. By his loy- 
alty and military genius, France was freed from 
English occupation and conquests. By his efforts 
the disturbances and distractions caused by the law- 
less followers of the Free Companies were quieted. 

While his military life may not present that per- 
fect harmony of traits which we find so prominent 



294 Bertrand du Guesclin. [1379- 

in a Turenne, we must remember that this apparent 
lack of harmony was not so much in the man as in 
the time in which he lived. 

The death of Du Guesclin was an event of na- 
tional importance. By it Charles V. lost the 
strongest support to his throne, France her greatest 
citizen, and the people their sturdy defender and 
their idol. His wish was that his body might be 
interred in the chapel of the Dominicans at Dinan ; 
but Charles, desirous of showing in the fullest man- 
ner his affection and esteem for his great captain, 
caused his remains to be brought to St. Denis, 
and buried at the foot of his own tomb. 

The burial service took place in the royal Abbey 
with great pomp. The Dues d'Anjou, de Berri, de 
Bourbon, and de Bourgogne were present with all 
the great nobles of the realm. The funeral oration 
having been pronounced, the body was lowered into 
the vault ; and before his tomb was placed a lamp, 
which was to burn perpetually. 

Reclining upon his tomb is a marble figure of the 
soldier in armour. His head is uncovered, his 
hands are folded across his breast, his feet rest upon 
the body of a lion, and his sword and shield lie by 
his side. The marble bears this simple epitaph : 

" Ci git, noble homme, Messire Bertrand du Guesclin, 
Compte de Longueville, Connetable de France, lequel 
trepassa devant Castelneuf de Randon en Gevaudan, le 
treizieme jour de JulHet MCCCLXXX. Priez pour 
lui ! " 

In the centuries which have passed since that in 
which Du Guesclin lived, France has indeed had 




MEMORIAL TOMB OF DU QUESCLIN IN THE CHURCH OF ST. LAURENT 
AT LE PUY 



FROM A DRAWING BY L. SAGOT 



1380] Freed from English Occupation. 295 

sons who by heroic deeds, distinguished service, or 
immortal works, have contributed to her glory, and 
have written their names high upon her roll of hon- 
our, and whose busts she has placed in conspicuous 
niches in her Pantheon ; but to few of her sons in 
the past does she owe so much, and to none does 
she owe more. 

To the invincible patriotism and military genius 
of Bertrand du Guesclin, France gratefully attri- 
butes the early maintenance of the conception and 
the foundation for the final accomplishment of 
French unity. 




/ 



INDEX. 



Alburquerque, his intrigues and 

fall, 159 
Alfonso XL, his domestic life, 

158 ; his kingdom, 159 
Anjou, the Due d', 185, 197, 245, 

250, 271, 273 
Annequin, Sir Baudoin d', 54, 

136, 140 
Aquitaine, the Black Prince in, 

189 
Arch- Priest, Sir Regnault de Cer- 

voUe, 115 ; first leader of Free 

Companies, 115 
Arms and Armour, 27 
Artois, Comte Robert d', his in- 
trigues, 36 ; death, 37 
Audrehem, le Marechal d', 53, 

56 ; at Poitiers, 66 ; Navarrete, 

174 ; trial, 175 ; with Du Gues- 

clin, 185, 202 
Auray, battle of, 147 ; Du Gues- 

clin a prisoner, 150 
Avignon, 14 ; Du Guesclin visits, 

157 

Beaumanoir, Sir Robert, 48, 146, 

150 
Becquerel, siege of, 121 



Benon, siege of, 226 
Bergerac, siege of, 226, 271 
Berri, the Due de, 216, 218, 228, 

239 

Black Prince, Edward the, at 
Crecy, 41 ; expedition into 
France, 51 ; at Poitiers, 62-68; 
Peter the Cruel, 168 ; crosses 
the Pyrenees, 169 ; quarrels 
with Peter, 177 ; leaves Spain, 
179 ; and the Gascon Barons, 
189 ; summoned to Paris, 191 ; 
sacks Limoges, 199 ; returns to 
England, 208 ; his death and 
character, 266 

Blanche de Bourbon, marries Pe- 
ter the Cruel, 159 : her im- 
prisonment and death, 160 

Blois, Charles de, and the succes- 
sion, 32; a prisoner, 43; release, 
44, 68 ; defeat and death, 150 

Bourbon, the Due de, 216, 218, 
239, 283 

Bourgogne, the Due de, 239, 278 

Brambourg, killed at the "Bat- 
tle of the Thirty," 48-50 

Brambourg, Sir William, combat 
with Du Guesclin, 79 



297 



298 



Index. 



Brest, siege of, 247 

Brignais, battle of, 113 ; Free 
Companies victorious at, 114 

Brittany in 1324, 11 ; social con- 
ditions, 12-18 ; struggle for the 
succession to, 32 

Burgos, siege of, 163 

Calverly, Sir Hugh, 55, 143, 154 ; 
at Auray, 147 ; meets Du Gues- 
clin, 154 

Canterbury, Sir Thomas, combat 
■with Du Guesclin, 69 

Captal de Buch, 135 ; at Navar- 
rete, 173 ; defeat at Cocherel, 
135 ; release, 153 ; captured at 
Soubise, 222 

CervoUe (see "Arch-Priest") 

Chandos, Sir John, at Cre'cy, 41 ; 
Poitiers, 64 ; mission to John 
II., 108 ; at Auray, 147 ; death 
and character, 194 

Charles the Bad, released, 88 ; 
defies the Dauphin, 99 ; Du 
Guesclin's campaign against, 
119 

Charles V,, the Dauphin, at Poi- 
tiers, 66 ; and the States-Gen- 
eral, 87 ; and the Free Com- 
panies, 113 ; crov/ned Charles 
v., 140 ; character, 141 ; aids 
Henry of Castile, 160, and the 
Gascon barons, 190 ; cites the 
Black Prince before Parlia- 
ment, 191 ; war with England, 
192 ; hostile to the Due de Bre- 
tagne, 240 ; defensive policy, 
252 ; invades England, 271, 
and Charles the Bad, 276 ; de- 
sire to annex Brittany, 282 ; 
unjust to Du Guesclin, 287 ; 



his regret, 287 ; grief upon the 
Constable's death, 294 

Chateauneuf de Randon, besieg- 
ed by Du Guesclin, 288 ; agree- 
ment for surrender of, 288 ; 
death of Du Guesclin at, 290 ; 
tribute by its governor, 291 

Cherbourg, siege of, 281 

Chevalier, characteristics, 21 ; 
duties of, 22; how disgraced, 22 

Chivalry, its origin, 18 ; what it 
represented, 19 ; what it ac- 
complished, 23 

Chizey, siege and battle, 234 

Cocherel, battle of, 135 ; Du 
Guesclin's plan, 137 ; its suc- 
cess, 140 

Crecy, battle of, 41, 42 

D'Annequin (see "Annequin ") 

Darras, siege of, 273 

D'Audrehem (see "Audrehem ") 

De Clisson, Lord Amauri, execu- 
ted, 61 

De Clisson, Sir Olivier, and Du 
Guesclin, 201, 202, 207, 2I2, 
216, 229, 262, 284 

De Foix, Comte Gaston, 196, 256 

DeMauny, Sir Olivier, 8, 78, 
126, 129, 200, 204, 235 ; his 
marriage, 258 

Devereaux, Sir John, 224, 235, 
262 

De Villiers, le Marechal, 53 ; 
friendship for Du Guesclin, 54 

Du Guesclin, Bertrand, birth and 
youth, 1,2; fondness for sports, 
4 ; early influences, 5 ; first 
achievement, 6 ; favoursCharles 
de Blois, 39 ; partisan warfare, 
42 ; at Pontorson, 53 ; knight- 



Index. 



299 



Du Guesclin — Continued. 

ed, 56 ; captures Forgeray,56- 
58 ; combat with Canterbury, 
6g ; meets Tiphaine Raguenel, 
73 ; combat with Brambourg, 
79 ; raises the siege of Ren- 
nes, 83 ; Troussel afifair, 84 ; 
a prisoner, 104, 107 ; release, 
104, 108 ; sent against the Free 
Companies, 109 ; a chevalier 
banneret, 11 1; sent against 
Charles the Bad, 119 ; marries 
Tiphaine Raguenel, 123 ; Fel- 
tonaffair, 125; captures Mantes 
and Meulan, 131 ; victory at 
Cocherel, 137-139 ; governor 
of Pontorson, 141 ; Comte 
de Longueville, 141 ; death of 
his father, 145 ; a prisoner at 
Auray, 150 ; leads the Free 
Companies out of France, 157 ; 
crosses the Pyrenees, 161 ; cam- 
paign against Peter the Cruel, 
163 ; visits France for troops, 
169 ; prisoner at Navarrete, 
174 ; his release, 181 ; his ran- 
som, 182 ; leads an army into 
Spain, 185 ; his campaign, 186 
-188 ; defeats Peter the Cruel, 
186; recalled by Charles V., 
196 ; Duke of Molina, 196 ; 
with the Due de Berri, 197 ; 
capture of Limoges, 198 ; Con- 
stable of France, 200 ; Pont- 
valain, 204 ; in Poitou, 216 ; 
captures St. Severe, 218 ; in 
Brittany, 232 ; victory at Chi- 
zey, 234 ; continued success, 
243 ; Derval, 244 ; Becherel, 
261 ; in Normandy, 272 ; be- 
sieges Cherbourg, 281 ; loyalty 



questioned, 287 ; his indigna- 
tion, 288 ; resigns the sword of 
Constable, 288 ; leads a force 
into Languedoc, besieges Cha- 
teauneuf de Randon, 288 ; his 
death, 289 ; his character, 290 

Du Guesclin, Olivier, brother of 
Bertrand, i ; prisoner by Can- 
terbury, 71 ; freed by Bertrand, 
75 ; prisoner at Cherbourg, 281 ; 
at Pontvalain, 204 

Du Guesclin, Robert, father of 
Bertrand, i ; at Rennes, 9 ; 
death of, 145 

Edward III., invades France, 36, 
37, 51, I93> 215,247, 251, 262; 
invades Normandy, 41, 62 ; 
Brittany, 241 ; failure, 194,215, 
230, 255 ; death and character, 
270 
England, Charles V. invades, 270 
English soldiers and the Free 
Companies, 116 

Felton, Sir William, and Du 

Guesclin, 125 
Forgeray, capture of, 56 
Free Companies, rise of, 112, 
115 ; victory at Brignais, 113 : 
Du Guesclin and, 116 ; their 
leaders, 154 ; led out of France, 
161 ; in Spain, 162 ; and the 
Black Prince, 168 

Gascon Barons, the, and the 
Black Prince, 190 ; and Charles 
v., 191 

Green Knight, the, 146 ; at 
Auray, 149 

Guerande, treaty of, 151 



JOO 



Index. 



Hennebon, siege of, 235, 244 
Henry of Trastamara and Peter 
the Cruel, 158 ; aspires to the 
throne, 159 ; crowned King of 
Castile, 164 ; defeat at Navar- 
rete, 172 ; visits France, 175 ; 
raises an army, 186 ; kills Pe- 
ter, 187 ; honours Du Guesclin, 
196 

Jacquerie, revolt of the, 92 
Jeanne deMalmains, 2; her death, 

46 ; her will, 46 
John II,, succeeds Philippe VI., 

45 ; prisoner at Poitiers, 66 ; 

his ransom, 93, 105 ; death, 

133 ; character, 133 
Jouel, Sir John, leader of Free 

Companies, 114 ; at Cocherel, 

138 ; death, 140 

Knolles, Sir Robert, 73, 103, 123, 
198, 206, 247 

Lancaster, the Duke of, at Poi- 
tiers, 62 ; besieges Rennes, 69 ; 
meets Du Guesclin, 71 ; be- 
sieges Montpaon, 209 ; mar- 
riage, 212 ; operations, 260 

Languedoc, the Black Prince in- 
vades, 60 ; Du Guesclin sent 
to, 288 

La Reole, siege of, 260 

Laval, Jeanne de, married to Du 
Guesclin, 257 ; her ancestry, 
257 ; and Jeanne d' Arc, 258 

Limoges, the French capture, 
198 ; the Black Prince sacks, 
199 

Mantes, capture of, 131 



Marcel Etienne, his revolt, 92 ; 
death, 92 

Melun, siege of, 96 

Meulan, siege of, 130 

Military Art in the 14th century, 
26 

Moncontour, capture of, 217 

Montfort, John de, disputes the 
title to Brittany, 32 ; a prison- 
er, 34 ; alliance with Edward 
III., 229 

Montfort, the Countess de, car- 
ries on the contest, 34 

Montmuran, affair of, 55 

Mortagne, siege of, 231, 275 

Nantes, besieged and surrenders, 

34, 246 
Navarrete, battle of, 173 ; Henry 

defeated at, 174 
Niort, captured by Du Guesclin, 

239 

Oriflamme, the, 66 

Parliament of Paris, 33, 283 

Partisans, war of, 47 

Peter the Cruel, 158 ; his govern- 
ment, 160 ; his disposition, 
160 ; aided by the Black Prince, 
167 ; they quarrel, 177 ; de- 
feated at Monteil, 186 ; death 
and character, 188 

Philippe de Valois, death of, 44 

Poitiers, battle of, 63-68 

Pontorson, Du Guesclin at, 53 ; 
governor of, 141 ; tomb of 
Tiphaine at, 214 

Pontvalain, battle of, 204 

Quimperle, siege of, 263 



tndi 



ex. 



301 



Raguenel (see "Tiphaine") 

Rennes, siege of, 69, 83 

Richard II. of England crowned, 
270 

Roche Derrien, 43, 84, 184, 203, 
243 

Rochelle, siege of, 224 ; surrend- 
er, 225 

Rolleboise, siege of, 130 

Roncesvalles, the pass of, 168 

Saint Severe, capture of, 2ig 
Sancerre, Sir Louis de, 216, 261, 
274, 280, 283 ; at Chateauneuf 
de Randon, 289 ; succeeds Du 
Guesclin as Constable, 290 
Spain in the 14th century, 158 
States-General, the. Parliament 
of, 87 ; constitution of, 89 ; 
convocation of, 94 ; assembly 
of 1358, 94 
Surgieres, 226 



Thirty, battle of the, 48 

Thouars, siege of, 227 ; capture 
of, 231 ; Edward fails to re- 
lieve, 230 

Tiphaine Raguenel, at Dinan, 
73 ; is married to Du Guesclin, 
123; her aid to him, 1 84 ; visits 
Caen, 202 ; death and charac- 
ter, 213 

Toledo, siege of, 181 

Treaty, of Bordeaux, 92 ; of Lon- 
don, 93-105 ; of Poitiers, 122 ; 
of Guerande, 151 ; of Charles 
V. and Charles the Bad, 153 ; 
of Bruges, 264 

Troussel, Sir William, 84 

Wales, Evan of, 215 ; at Ro- 
chelle, 224 ; defeats the Captal 
de Buch, 222 ; besieges Mor- 
tagne, 276 ; death, 279 

White Company, the, 163 




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